Commentary - Stick to the voice of moderation

By WONG CHUN WAI

The fallout in the Kedah state government is evidence of how different it is to run a government with partners. PAS is certainly not used to it, particularly in dealing with the DAP. The sole DAP representative in Kedah, Lee Guan Aik, has now declared himself to be unaligned.

In other words, he is now an independent and will no longer support the Pakatan state government following the Kedah DAP’s decision to pull out of it.

As much as Pakatan Rakyat leaders want to put on a brave and united front, this is a serious blow to the coalition. The implications are enormous and the damage is highly explosive.

The Kedah state government has certainly not collapsed over the pull-out but feelings and pride have been wounded.

DAP leader Lim Kit Siang has rightly described the latest crack as the “second crisis of confidence”, with the first being PAS president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang’s attempt to hold unity talks with Umno.

The contentious issues that led to the split in Kedah are the demolition of an illegal pig abattoir and the 50% bumi quota for houses in the state.

The DAP and PAS have had a patchy relationship for a while as the secular party is aware that it would have to deal with personalities who make erratic statements in the name of religion.

They realised the need to work together with PKR leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim holding the glue, and the results were the extraordinary performance in the March 8 polls.

True colours

DAP leaders are also aware of the compromises they have made as a result of the alliance with PAS, who is bent on setting up an Islamic state.

Except for a few reformists who made the occasional speeches in churches, such as Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad, the reality is that the men in green will never change.

Even Khalid supported a resolution calling for the banning of Sisters in Islam, but then claimed it was wrongly worded. But the point is the resolution was never retracted. It was adopted and Hadi even defended the party’s right to make that call.

Popular as Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin may be with many Malaysians, that does not stop him from calling for an end to the use of English to teach Maths and Science.

To top it all, Hadi has now opposed the Prime Minister’s announcement to abolish the 30% equity requirements for companies seeking public listing.

He has cited the same, tired argument put up by those insisting on such a policy to be maintained by claiming that bumiputras are not ready to face many economic challenges.

But Hadi, playing the racial card, has chosen to forget the fishermen and farmers in Terengganu who would certainly not be the beneficiaries of these equity rules. His statement was intended to make Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak look bad in the rural heartland.

Najib’s decision, ahead of his 100 days in office, is bold and courageous. None of his predecessors dared to take this step despite being in office much longer than him.

The result was that Malaysia lost its attractiveness as a place for investment and with few companies seeking public listing now, even before the global financial crisis, the bumiputra equity has become irrelevant.

Najib’s decision is practical but it also demonstrates the level of leadership he has commanded in the party.

His decision has made Malaysia headline news around the world. I was in London last week when the Financial Times published a prominent article on the move.

I do not think Hadi does not understand the economic impact of Najib’s liberalisation policy. He is a clever man, even if his credentials are just on theology. But he has opted for political expediency at the expense of the country’s economy, and that is hardly divine.

Hadi’s attempt to abandon his Pakatan Rakyat partners, in the name of unity talks, must have shaken his DAP and PKR partners.

In the case of Kedah, the 50% bumi quota for houses will hurt both bumi and non-bumi developers, who will end up paying more for these additional allocations, even if one claims that the state is predominantly Malay.

In the March 8 polls, there were many non-Muslims who gave their votes to PAS, not because they supported the Islamist party but because they wanted to punish Barisan Nasional.

Many voters could not accept the arrogance of some Umno leaders and the corruption in the party.

A strong message was sent – we can no longer tolerate policies and practices that are perceived to be discriminating to non-Malays. They chose the elections to punish the Barisan, particularly Umno.

But as the saying goes, be careful what you wish for. It may be a case of deciding on the devil and the deep blue sea for some, but moderation and accommodation must not be ignored.

Umno leaders should not be overly worried about how the Malays feel about their policies as their concern should be the middle ground – the majority of Malaysians, regardless of their race, who will vote in the general election.

There’s little point in winning the party elections as communal champions, but then be wiped out in the general election.

It’s the voice of moderation and accommodation, as early Umno leaders like Tunku Abdul Rahman adopted and which made them revered until today, that works.

At the end of the day, the wishes of Malay­sians are simple. They want fairness, transparency, justice and accountability. These values transcend all races.

The last thing they want is a patchy federal or state government that is weak or in danger of collapsing any time because of ideological differences and the inability to forge a working relationship.

Commentary - Into the wrong side of history

By WONG CHUN WAI

Chin Peng and CPM rebels who fought government forces during the Emergency were from the era of colonialism and class struggles which have no relevance to today’s generation.

It’s an unfinished war for many older Malaysians but for the young generation, it is a war that they never knew.

As for those who fought against the communists, especially members of the security forces, they still have the physical scars to show for it.

The children of soldiers and estate owners speak bitterly of their parents who left home and never returned.

As such to allow Chin Peng, the head of the CPM, to return to Malaysia would be unimaginable; not in their life time, at least.

Following the court rejection of Chin Peng’s application to return to Malaysia, the Malay newspapers have highlighted this issue with stories of Malay veterans who suffered in the fight against the communists.

The impression, unfortunately, is that it is the Malays who cannot forget the Emergency.

We seem to have forgotten that the same sentiment is shared by many Chinese too as the campaign against the communists would not have been successful without the effective infiltration of the CPM by the Special Branch, comprising mainly Chinese policemen.

Secret wars

Until the 1970s, not many realised that secret wars were being fought between the police and CPM, even in suburbs like Petaling Jaya.

In 1974, Tan Sri Rahman Hashim, the Inspector-General of Police, was assassinated by CPM terrorists and an attempt was made to blow up the National Monument.

Those who remember these events would have to be in their late 40s and 50s – they are not even mentioned in our history books in schools.

The late Tan Sri CC Too, the head of psychological warfare for 27 years, refused to attend the Haadyai Peace Accord in 1989, to mark the end of the 41 years of armed struggle.

Until the last days, he was suspicious of the intentions of Chin Peng and CPM, saying the peace accord was not a CPM surrender but a truce and merely “temporarily suspending” its struggle.

The late Aloysius Chin, a former deputy director of Special Branch (Operations), reminded this writer that “Malaysians must remember that the final victory over the CPM is not yet over.” It was the same line he wrote in his book The Communist Party of Malaya: The Inside Story.

He wrote that “the avowed aim of the communists all over the world is to destroy the existing political and economic systems in non-communist countries and to replace them with a World Union of Communist Republics.”

Many of the key strategists in SB are no longer around. Chin Peng, or Ong Boon Hua, would be 85 years old this year.

The house where he was born, in Sitiawan, is said to be a Sports Toto outlet now. He expressed regret over this in his book Chin Peng: My Side of the Story.

In short, the world has changed. The Cold War – the continuing state of tension and competition between the Western world led by the United States and the Communists led by the Soviet Union – ended in the 1990s.

For the young generation, they only know of Coldplay – the British rock group led by Chris Martin, not the Cold War.

The Soviet Union has collapsed and the Russians have embraced capitalism. So has communist China – which ironically, is expected to rescue the world from the effects of the financial crisis.

No country including Malaysia can ignore China because it is one of the largest markets. Nearer to home, our investors have kept themselves busy in Vietnam, technically a communist state.

In Cuba, the days of Fidel Castro are numbered while Bolivian leader Che Guevera is certainly more iconic than Castro.

But if you ask the young Malay boys hanging around Pertama Complex who wear T-shirts with Che on them, they think he is a rock star or equate him with Bob Marley.

Today, most of the ex-CPM members who are still alive live in the Peace Villages in south Thailand.

Instead of the guns they once toted, they carry handphones. Many depend on small businesses and tourism for a living.

Academics specialising in alternative history have given them a lease of life over the past few years with books recording their side of the stories.

A blog has even been set up with blurry videos of their activities.

In many cases, it was abject poverty and alienation, and even failed love relations, which made them join the CPM.

It was not all about abstract ideology and the new generation of leftists would have to admit that Karl Marx, the father of Communism, got it all wrong in his 1848 The Communist Manifesto – he failed to see the birth and expansion of the Middle Class, which embraced consumerism and all things capitalist.

In short, the CPM veterans are people of a different generation and political setting, who were caught up in the world of colonialism and class struggles, which have no relevance to us.

World of black-and-white

Their world was of just black-and-white – like the classic movies of their era.

Today, Islamic radicalism has taken over where communists have left off, with security agencies tracking the likes of Osama bin Laden and the al-Qaeda terrorists.

Courses in communism would probably be offered in the history faculty instead of the political science classes, where Islamic radicalism would be a compulsory subject.

The Malay CPM veterans – who would have once regarded themselves as atheists – have returned to religion, realising that they would soon be meeting their Creator.

In their last days on earth and for all the killings they have committed, it is best they seek peace and forgiveness.

They are probably too proud to admit that it was a serious mistake to chose the revolutionary path and too late to talk about “what if.”

Contrary to public perception, many ex-CPM members of Chinese origin have returned to Malaysia.

Some veterans become Thai citizens and have no problems returning to Malaysia as tourists.

In many cases, it was reported that their first visits were to pay respects to their dead parents’ graves in Malaysia and soon, they went on holidays to Europe, as a preferred destination.

In his book, Chin Peng said 330 ex-CPM members opted to return to Malaysia immediately after the peace agreement.

In the case of Chin Peng, he said he made applications in 1990 to return to Malaysia but the authorities disclosed that he did not show up for the interview.

Eventually, it became a court battle, which must have made it more difficult for the Home Ministry to meet his request. It is not clear what passport he is holding as he has made Bangkok his base.

Ironically, come December, it would be the 20th year of the Peace Accord in Haadyai, where the architects of the agreement are still alive.

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his Thai counterpart, Chavalit Yongchaihudh played the leading roles while the police representatives were former IGPs Tan Sri Rahim Noor and Tan Sri Norian Mai, with retired Gen Kitti Rattanachayam representing the Thai army.

Chin Peng, in his book, said he wanted to die in Malaysia, which he said he was “more than willing to die for”. But for families of those who died in the fight, they have still not forgiven him.

It is a price he has to live with, even in his twilight years.

Commentary - It’s the way of democracy, within limits

The events surrounding the alternating identity of Perak’s Mentri Besar seem troubling, but the legal procedures are what our courts and Constitutions provide for.

Still, all partisanship aside, having to hold a state assembly in extended limbo can in no way be salutary.

Fleeting moments of triumph alternating with flashes of despondency for both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat may be grist to the news headline mill, but it is not how public service should perform or appear.

We only hope that the sum total of actions taken will seem more positive than negative.

Several colourful metaphors may apply, none of them complimentary: political ping-pong, pendulum, yo-yo, carousel, roller coaster, musical chairs.

This lawful but not-so-merry-go-round also risks a sense of the circus spectacle and a whiff of the stables about it.

After the High Court ruled on May 11 that Pakatan’s Datuk Seri Mohd Nizar Jamaluddin was the rightful Mentri Besar, Barisan appealed against the decision and a stay of its execution, only for Pakatan to counter-appeal against it. After BN won its appeal on Friday and reclaimed legitimacy, PR is appealing against that.

As a public watches in anything but indifference, any party to emerge unscathed from this episode is the judiciary. But any increased public interest in the workings of the bench scarcely makes up for the repeatedly frustrating swings in sentiment.

Involvement of the courts and the deliberations of the judges, in all their learned interpretations of law, hardly compensate for how both sides have been haggling over their perceived turf.

Apart from everything else, the de facto suspension of Perak’s governance cannot be good for the business of administration or the administration of business.

Yet when all is said and done, perhaps this is also how demo­cracy is supposed to be, given the contest of wills and interests. It is certainly less unsavoury than some interpretations of democracy elsewhere that have seen blood on the streets.

Nonetheless, comparing our lot with even less fortunate events is small consolation. All our elected representatives must do better and be seen to be achieving that, or else more than just a mentri besar’s post could be at stake.

- THE STAR

Commentary - To ASTRO or not to ASTRO?

By AZIZ HASSAN

A simple question no doubt but which answer you agree with depends on how you evaluate things in life. Is the Astro pay-to-view television a luxury or a necessity that should not be denied the poor?

In the books of the Welfare Services Department it's a luxury someone on aid from it should not be having. In fact the department goes a step further by including free TV in its list of "cannot haves". Understandably some people disagree and are unhappy that the department has stopped its financial aid to those in need all because of a TV set or what appears on its screen.

The latter have a surprise sympathiser in Pahang Mentri Besar Adnan Yaakob who thinks that not being allowed to watch Astro equates to not being allowed to watch TV. By Adnan's reckoning this is rubbish thinking. You may or may not agree with him. I don't but what I do agree with is Adnan's thinking that the minimum monthly financial aid to those in need should be a minimum RM500. To try and get this going Adnan said he was going to write to the prime minister.

To give someone RM150 or RM200 a month in aid is simply ridiculous -- and we are talking year 2009 here.

Back to TV. According to Wikipedia, Astro, which was launched in 1996, had 2.4 million subscribers by June last year and that meant 43% of total TV sets in Malaysia. By now the number of subscribers should be at least 2.5 million. Considering that the packages can be as low as RM37.95 per month and as high as RM75.95 plus everything else you have to pay, would you say Astro is a luxury or a necessity?

Looking at the penetration so far and the start-up cost required of a subscriber, I would say it's a semi-luxury a person receiving aid will have a lot of explaining to do if he is to continue to be assisted. That or he should be satisfied with free TV like TV3, TV9, TV7, 8TV and TV1 and 2. Enough channels to keep company those in aid who have to stay at home due to physical handicaps. Unless of course that person can show proof that his Astro is being financed by friends or relatives. Which means that the department should look at this issue on a case-by-case basis.

The thing about people is that not everyone's honest, especially when it concerns money. I mean look at some of the squatter houses -- cars and yes Astro TV. Talk to them whenever there's a price increase for something and they all cry foul to ask how the government could allow this to happen to the "under-class" like them.

I knew of an operator of an eating place who lived as a squatter but rented out her low-cost flat. When I was in ITM Shah Alam (now UiTM) 30 plus years ago, some of the kids who could afford cars and motorcycles were happily receiving scholarships! Those who knew them said many were children of the rich, particularly from the east coast, who qualified for the aid because they simply under-declared their parents' income.

But it's been a week of free (positive) publicity for Astro...

http://azizhassan.blogspot.com

Struggle for the soul of UMNO

By KARIM RASLAN

Despite a spate of well-orchestrated walkabouts and some sensible government decision-making, many Malaysians – especially non-Malays – remain sceptical. Umno must go further and drastic changes are crucial if it wishes to govern beyond 2013.

The real political battle currently being waged in Malaysia is not between Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional. The real conflict is in fact within Umno, a struggle between different concepts of Malay identity and leadership - one being more narrow-minded and ex­clusive and the other, more open and plural.

Indeed, it is arguable that the same dynamic also exists in the current internal PAS polls as Malay nationalists and ultras within the movement seek to head off the ambitious centrists who have taken the Islamist party firmly into the mainstream with its “PAS for all” tagline.

PAS’ move to expand beyond the Malay heartlands has caught Umno on the defensive.

For many Umno ministers, the sight of local Chinese communities in Bukit Gantang proudly displaying PAS flags has brought home to them the extent of their missteps.

Certainly, Umno is in danger of becoming what PAS once was (and still is in much of Terengganu) - a shrill and extremist fringe Malay organisation that scares the non-Malays.

However, as I write, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak is veering in a direction that will win the approval and support of “Middle Malaysia”.

But this contest is by no means over because there are many within the ruling Umno elite who dislike the idea of an Umno that seeks to win the support of non-Malays rather than consolidating the Malay ground.

For them the idea of Malay unity and indeed Malay dominance stands above all else, thereby minimising the relevance and importance of other communities.

Needless to say, this is a backward and regressive political strategy and it rejects electoral realities on the ground.

Currently, only some 70 Peninsular Malaysian federal constituencies have Malay-Muslim majorities of over 66%. A further 44 have Malay-Muslim majorities of between 50 and 66% and are considered “mixed”. Finally, another 51 constituencies which are predominantly non-Malay.

In the March 2008 general election, the BN secured 25 of the mixed seats, 45 of the Malay seats and 15 of the non-Malay seats.

However, given the recent by-election results and if a general election was to be held today, the BN would see its non-Malay seats totally wiped out, the mixed seats reduced to under 10 and thus, delivering the power at the Federal level to Pakatan Rakyat.

Tactically, a push into “Middle Malaysia” would seem to offer the greatest potential for the BN to keep itself in government, especially since many of Sabah and Sarawak’s 55 parliamen­ta­ry seats share the same mixed demographic that has been an advantage to the Pakatan.

Najib deserves to be commended for two recent initiatives.

Firstly, to liberalize the Bumiputra equity requirements for certain service sectors and secondly, to prevent the unilateral religious conversion of children.

Both policies represent small steps in the right direction - returning Um­­no (and the Barisan Nasional) to the middle-ground.

They also remind us of the moderation and good sense that were once a hallmark of the great party of Merdeka.

However, before we get over-excited, we need to remind ourselves that a spate of well-orchestrated walkabouts and some sensible government decision-makings doesn’t mean that Umno has redeemed itself in the eyes of the public.

Many Malaysians - especially non-Malays - remain deeply sceptical.

Mere public relations are not enough to turn the tide.

Umno must go further and drastic changes are crucial if the party wishes to govern beyond 2013.

For a start, the warlords (the all-powerful division chiefs) have to be reined in.

The party must reform its internal elections before this skewered ap­­proach destroys the party itself via corruption.

Secondly, the party needs to connect with ordinary Malaysians (including Malays) most of whom are disgusted by the political rhetoric of Malay rights because they sense that it’s merely a pretext for self-enrichment.

Instead, they want decent (and impartial) government services, jobs, affordable homes and an education for their children.

And thirdly, the racist rhetoric must stop.

The party must re-acquaint itself with the more nuanced, multi-racial approach of the Merdeka-era.

These noble traditions exist within Umno.

Our first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman warned in his seminal memoirs Looking Back (which has sadly disappeared from local bookshelves) that Umno and the administration’s obsession with race would prove costly.

The Tunku wrote: “…there was too much emphasis being placed on bumiputeras, and not enough on Malaysians. Going about affairs this way makes it hard to instil Malaysian-mindedness in the hearts of the people. All the work being done to inspire patriotism among our poly­genous population is being eroded as a result of this wrong approach.”

Tun Dr Ismail, another party icon, also felt that the NEP, ought to have only been a passing stage in national development:

“The Malays want the government to restrict the business activities of the non-Malays while the Malays reach parity with them. If this philosophy is accepted, then the whole concept of Malay participation in a growing economy is replaced by a policy of Malay participation in a standstill economy.”

Umno has a noble tradition; the party still possesses the capacity to return to the moderation, tolerance and good governance of its founding fathers.

Moreover, winning back the centre represents a return to Umno’s past electoral glories.

The party must be more broad-based in order to win in 2013.

And yet as I watch and observe the struggle within PAS, I can see that Umno is not alone in undergoing these political squalls.

The entire Malay community is trying to find a new paradigm on all fronts.

The tussle for the soul of Umno is in fact a struggle for the political soul of the entire Malay community.

Commentary - Nothing escapes us Netizen

By KARIM RASLAN

In more mature markets, the newspapers are the forum for debate and analysis, while the Internet is the news hub, churning out updates.

There are two competing forces at work in our public life and, as anticipated, the contest between these two world views will come to dominate the Datuk Seri Na­­jib Tun Razak administration’s ap­­proach to the media, and indeed the entire civil liberties agenda.

On the one hand there is the carefully-managed world of the mainstream media. This approach reaches back to a long-held conviction among the Malaysian political establishment that the media should serve and indeed promote “national interests”.

Needless to say, this is a top-down and elitist approach. Furthermore, it reveals an underlying distrust and/or disregard for public sentiment and popular opinion.

At its simplest, it’s just another way of saying “we must lead because the people know no better”.

However, this viewpoint has been challenged both by the revolutionary changes in information technology as well as the population’s higher levels of education and exposure.

For many, including myself, “deve­lop­­mental journalism” is a highly questionable idea since it leads us into an intellectual cul-de-sac, a media deadend – in short, an environment where we are forced to swallow wholesale ministerial statements.

It also returns us to the situation at the height of the Mahathir era when the public was forced to read between the lines to figure out what was really going on in our country.

Similarly, “responsible reporting” as interpreted by our leaders also leaves most readers unconvinced, irritated and yearning for more.

So what happens? Well it’s straight-forward enough.

Instead of being satisfied, most of us are prompted to reach for the ubiquitous Internet to verify and double-check what we’ve just read.

For example, while I am relieved to discover that frequent by-elections are a “frightful” waste of money, I’m also perplexed and troubled by the near-total absence of contrarian views.

In this respect I have to thank former prime minister Datuk Seri (now Tun) Dr Mahathir Mohamad for demolishing the argument with his characteristic bluntness.

However, as a citizen and a reader, I expect the news media to give choices (the pros and cons) so that I can make up my own mind.

Increasingly, in more mature me­­dia markets such as Europe and Ame­rica, the newspapers have become the forum for debate and analysis while the Internet has evolved into a news hub, churning out a stream of updates.

Which leads me very neatly to the crazy alternative to our mild-mannered and domesticated mainstream media, namely, the rambunctious and chaotic World Wide Web.

The Internet is democracy gone wild. It is unregulated and can, in certain instances, verge on the wholly insane.

Whatever the case, the user/consumer has to make his or her individual value judgments, hopefully dis­­­carding the feeble and ludicrous in favour of the genuine and sensible.

However, the “Wild Wild West” of news and views where fiction becomes fact and mere speculation the touchstone for the truth is strengthened by the continued government influence on the mainstream media.

Every so-called, discreet call to an editor from Putrajaya extracts a heavy toll on the public’s confidence in the mainstream media, sending people scurrying back to the Inter­net.

There is an important additional point to make here.

In the past people would have had to check the Internet on their desktop computers.

In physical terms it meant that we’d be unable to verify the news with alternative sources until we’d reached our desks and switched on our computers.

Now, with technology’s extraordinary advances, we can immediately counter-check what we read in the newspapers through our own WAP-enabled and/or Internet-ready hand-held devices.

Indeed, these devices are so heavily promoted that virtually all consumers know and want these products – such as Blackberries and iPhones. At the same time and for a lot of younger people the ritual of reading a newspaper in the morning has been supplanted by a quick scan through the media alerts and favourite websites.

Furthermore there’s an additional, interesting factoid about young voters.

It is estimated that the Internet penetration of Malaysian 18-21-year-olds is in the region of 70%-80%. This means that the vast majority of new and soon-to-be voters are highly familiar with alternatives to newspapers and TV.

Indeed, it’s arguable that for this sought-after section of the voting pu­­­­­blic, the alternative media may well have become the “mainstream”.

However, all is not lost and the alternative media still plays an important role in shaping and galvanising public opinion.

Indeed the growing fluency of Malaysians in various languages – most of us are bilingual if not tri- or quadri-lingual – means that what someone says in one language will be read across the nation within nanoseconds.

What does this mean? Well, as Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yasin discovered to his chagrin, an interview in the Malay-language daily Utusan gets picked up, analysed and critiqued by Malaysians of all persuasions.

In short, there are no “racial and linguistic silos” left and Malaysian leaders have to come to terms with the increasing openness of the media landscape, especially if they wish to win middle-of-the-road, middle-class Malaysians or all races, most of whom feel uncomfortable with language that is disrespectful to one community or another.

Whatever happens in the tussle between the conflicting views about civil liberties, we have to thank information technology for breaking down the barriers between the rulers and the ruled.

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, you may sit in your palaces and official residences but rest assured we’re watching and judging your every moves on our computer screens, our iPhones, our Nokias and Blackber­ries.

Nothing escapes us – the people of Malaysia – and nothing is sacred.

- THE STAR

Commentary - What’s the real reason behind by-elections?

There is politics, and there is politicking over politics. Apparently, the latest example of this is the prospective Penanti by-election.

Parti Keadilan Rakyat is keen on a by-election, after its parliamentarian and former Penang deputy chief minister I Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin resigned.

But there could be an emerging consensus in both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat that habitual by-elections is not the best way forward.

The country seems to be weighed down by a recent spate of by-elections.

Apart from the cost and effort, by-election fatigue could be building up among the electorate which cannot be good, not least for the democratic spirit of free choice exercised eagerly.

Besides, for the Penanti seat to be vacated by a PKR candidate suggests the favourite might be another PKR candidate.

When that happens and he wins, the PR spin would be that Barisan had indeed lost its edge for good.

That ploy is practically certain, given recent experience.

When the Batang Ai, Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau by-election results came in, PR’s 2-1 score over Barisan merely reflected the pre-by-election status quo, but pro-Opposition stalwarts insisted it was a nationwide move towards PR.

Then, even when they were held just three days before Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak ascended to the premiership, the results were interpreted as a vote against Barisan, indeed as a referendum against Najib.

Even if by-elections are necessarily a referendum on the federal government, which is doubtful, a space of just 72 hours is ludicrously short for appraising a new premier.

PKR may want to continue with its by-election mania, but its DAP and PAS stablemates may not agree.

Whether or not the majority of people in Penanti look forward to a by-election is also doubtful.

What is certain is that PKR should look inwards to see why some of its senior members have had to vacate their seats.

Whe­ther it is corruption, or simply investigations into such allegations, troubling question marks hover over the integrity of these individuals.

Perhaps the need to divert public attention is what drives the quest for by-elections.

What else would explain it, instead of spending limited resources on meeting the people’s needs?

- THE STAR

Commentary - Not the dream team but it’ll do

By JOCELINE TAN

It was not exactly a dream team but new Umno president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak did get a group that he can confidently depend on to help him face the challenges ahead.

UMNO president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak did not get the dream team that he would have wanted but neither was it a “nightmare team”.

He got the deputy of his choice and three vice-presidents (VPs) who go back a long way with him and whom he can trust.

Najib had dropped so many hints about Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as his preferred deputy president that the delegates at the party general assembly would have been delinquent not to vote for the Johor politician.

After the mixed bag of results at the level of the three wings, some were worried that Najib would end up with a team that would be more baggage than benefit to him in his mission to rebuild Umno and regain lost ground.

Muhyiddin, who has an im­­­pressive track-record as a politician and administrator, is someone who can assist him from the word go.

He won convincingly with 1,575 votes against Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib.

Muhyiddin had struggled throughout the contest because he did not play the money game.
(From left) Hishammuddin, Ahmad Zahid, Muhyiddin and Shafie raising their hands in triumph after the results of the elections were announced Thursday night.

At one point, there was even talk that his “stinginess” would cost him the post.

But good sense prevailed in the end and the delegates did the right thing.

It is likely the delegates to the main assembly, who are more mature and connected to Umno, could also foresee doomsday for Umno in the next general election if they did not give their new president a good No 2 and a solid team.

Najib should also have no problems with the three VPs — Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein and Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal.

They won with 1,552, 1,515 an 1,445 votes respectively, suggesting that there was an eleventh hour move to ensure that the “president’s men” would win.

Zahid goes back all the way to Najib’s days as the Youth chief. Zahid has sometimes been unpredictable in his actions but he has always taken instructions from Najib. In October, he offered himself for the deputy president post, got a tongue-lashing from Najib and dutifully pulled out of the contest.

Hishammuddin’s election as a VP means that Umno now has the sons of two former Prime Ministers in its top leadership.

The Education Minister, who is also Najib’s cousin, had also struggled to keep abreast in the race be­­cause he was not spending money.

Moreover, he was competing against two other fellow Johoreans but the best man won in the end.

The former Youth chief has to credit Khairy Jamaluddin to some extent for his win because the new Youth chief had made a rousing victory speech asking the Youth delegates attending the general assembly to support Hishammuddin.

It was an important endorsement because Khairy was thought to be backing the other Johor candidate Datuk Seri Khaled Nordin.

The other VP is Sabahan Shafie. His election is a signal that Umno values the support of Sabah. Had the Sabah MPs jumped ship last year, the Barisan Nasional might have fallen.

Shafie has also been a staunch loyalist of Najib since the latter’s Youth leader days.

But the president’s menu stopped at the supreme council line-up which saw a mixed bag of names winning and some big guns tumbling out.

But as some pointed out, Umno like any other political party, is made up of the good, the bad and the ugly, and it is only natural that the supreme council line-up is not the “perfect list” that some would have preferred.

One of the priorities of the new president would be to initiate reform in the voting system to check money politics.

He hinted at it in a speech on Tuesday and it could come sooner than expected because the joke among Umno circles the last few days was that even if an angel had descended from heaven to contest the party elections, it would have lost if it did not indulge in some money politics.

- THE STAR

Commentary - It’s about time Umno took off the kid gloves

By RASLAN SHARIF

Something needs to be done to stop the rot eating at the roots of a once near-invincible party, and this cannot be reiterated enough times.

We are just days away from what is arguably the most important political event of the year – the 2009 Umno general assembly, which will see elections for all but one of the top party posts.

The country is set to have a new Prime Minister after the assembly, with Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak assuming the party president’s post uncontested from Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who is making way for his deputy at both the party and government levels.

It sounds straightforward enough. Umno and the country have more or less gone through this sort of thing before, most recently when former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad passed the baton to Abdullah back in October 2003.

But try telling that to Najib, who probably wishes it were that simple.

The road leading up to the assembly has been anything but smooth. And probably no other deputy president on the cusp of landing the top post has had to go through the trials and tribulations that Najib has gone through in the last 12 months or so.

“Embattled incoming Umno president” would be an apt description.

The latest test of Najib’s resolve has got to be the disciplinary action taken against several top party officials for breaching campaign rules, most notably the disqualification of Umno vice president Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam from contesting the deputy president’s post.

The Malacca Chief Minister was said to have had a very good chance of clinching the No. 2 spot, notwithstanding the findings of a recent opinion poll that showed Malaysians prefer to see International Trade and Industry Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as Najib’s deputy.

It is still not clear who Najib prefers, as he has remained neutral in public on the matter. In any case, he’s only got one vote to cast for the candidate he wants to be the deputy president, and the 99% of Malaysians outside of the general assembly next week have got none.

What seems to matter in this regard is that informal readings of delegates’ sentiments in the past few weeks showed Mohd Ali as the frontrunner in the contest.

So it is no surprise that his disqualification has got a lot of tongues wagging on a purported agenda to prevent him from becoming deputy president, and by extension, Deputy Prime Minister.

It is the talk of the town.

But such talk is missing the wood for the trees. The fact is something needs to be done to stop the rot eating at the roots of a once near-invincible party, and this cannot be reiterated enough times.

While the Umno disciplinary committee was delivering a shocker of an announcement to the media on Tuesday, Najib was at an event where he once again stressed, as many others have before, that Umno has to clean up its act.

“We have to clean up ... if we don’t change, we will be changed. It is no secret that we have to change,” he said.

It is no secret indeed. The very same opinion poll by the Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research that showed strong support for Muhyiddin among Malaysians also found that they viewed Umno as ridden with unsavoury political practices.

Specifically, about 61% of the respondents felt the main problem within Umno was corruption, more so than any other issue (“out of touch” came in second, with 13% of respondents).

And it doesn’t stop there. About 59% of the respondents also were of the opinion that the party’s internal problems – of which corruption was by far the most pressing – “jeopardises the future of the people”.

Now, if there are those within Umno or outside of the party who think the perception is largely confined to non-Malays, they have got something else coming.

More than half of the respondents were Malays, and of the Malays, about 75% believed that efforts to curb money politics in Umno “were insufficient”, and 52% that it was “not sufficient at all”.

The call for a clean-up and for change goes to the heart of the matter – that if people continue to see Umno as a corrupt political party, then it is headed squarely for the trash heap of history.

In other words, if Umno were to do only one thing to try and get back on track towards winning back the levels of support it once enjoyed, then going full throttle on a no-holds-barred anti-corruption drive would be it.

That means taking off the kid gloves and not showing any mercy, both to the giver as well as the taker.

Is the party willing to do that?

The answer remains unclear, as scepticism hangs heavy in the air over Umno’s willingness to go all the way.

The joke that continues to make the rounds is that if indeed no mercy were shown, the next general assembly could be held around a few tables joined together at a nasi kandar restaurant.

Some Umno members argue that the party is being unfairly put under the corruption spotlight.

Unfortunately, such things come with the territory. To use a football analogy, there are probably many more people who want to see Manchester United fail than there are fans of the club.

To its credit, Manchester United have recruited players who are some of the best in the business, and the club shows little hesitation in discarding those who fail to meet, or keep up with, its high standards.

More importantly, the team does its talking on the pitch.

The result is that even the most rabid fans of Manchester United’s closest rivals are forced to acknowledge the club’s awe-inspring achievements.

That’s what Umno needs, and that’s what it needs to do. The opportunity for a start towards that goal presents itself in the coming days.

The Umno general assembly next week is indeed the most important political event of the year.

- THE STAR

Commentary - Entering the final lap of UMNO

Umnopolitics is about to take centrestage. The spotlight is on the contest for the deputy presidency amid expectations that on March 24, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak will send out signals on who he prefers as his No 2.

THE Muslim Chinese restaurant on the outskirts of Seremban had not seen a crowd as boisterous as the one on Tuesday night.

It was an Umno group and they applauded loudly when the host, Seremban Umno chief Datuk Ishak Ismail, said: “I am not a minister, or MP, or even an assemblyman. I’m just like you, holding a division post, but Umno’s strength depends on people like us, not the ministers. We are the real VIPs in the party.”

The hot fights: Attention will be on who becomes the next deputy president and who will triumph in Umno Youth and Wanita Umno. Clockwise from bottom left: Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib, Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil, Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz, Khairy Jamaluddin, Datuk Seri Dr Khir Toyo, Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir, Datuk Seri Ali Rustam and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin. They laughed even louder when Tan Sri Isa Samad, the former Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, who was also there, said: “When people become ministers they sometimes forget the grassroots, but not Ishak because he has never been a minister. But never mind, he graduated from England.”

The 60 or so people at the dinner were Umno delegates from Negri Sembilan who had turned up for an Umno function only to find it had been cancelled, so Ishak suggested they go to the restaurant that boasted a Muslim Chinese chef from China.

Ishak was not exaggerating when he described them as “VIPs”. Folk like them not only make the party hum and tick but they will also be among the 2,500 delegates who will vote in the next Umno leadership at the end of the month.

The Umno election campaign has entered its final lap. The candidates are out every night and Umno circles can talk about little else but politics.

The marathon, as some have called it, is about to come to an end.

Every big post, with the exception of the presidency, is being contested, something that has not happened in ages.

But the spotlight will be on three fights – the deputy presidency, the Wanita Umno and the Youth leadership.

The likeability factor

It is a three-way fight for the deputy presidency but the campaign has essentially narrowed down to Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin. The third man, Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib, is trailing behind.

The contest has been likened to one of likeability versus ability or, as some in Umno put it, Pak Lah’s candidate versus Najib’s candidate. Mohd Ali is said to enjoy the blessing of outgoing Premier Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi whereas Muhyiddin is seen as the preferred candidate of incoming Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

It has been a close race for the pair but Mohd Ali has, by most accounts, taken the lead in the last few days. He has been more diligent on the hustings and he has the network and the resources. And, of course, he has the likeability factor that adds mileage in Umno politics.

Muhyiddin will have to make a big push in the final week if he wants to clinch the post.

This is the contest that even those outside Umno are watching with interest because whoever becomes the deputy president of Umno also becomes the deputy prime minister.

In that sense, every Malaysian has a stake in the contest for the No 2 seat in Umno.

Everyone is expecting a signal from the incoming president on his preference for No 2. They feel it is his privilege as the next president to state the criteria he expects of a deputy and particularly given the challenging times that Umno is going through.

He is expected to do this on the evening of March 24 when he officiates at the joint opening of the Youth, Wanita and Puteri wings.

It will be his swan song to the three wings and he would want to make full use of the occasion to shape Umno’s future.

As such, even though he will be speaking essentially to the three wings, he will be addressing the entire party.

“But don’t expect anything too direct from him. Datuk Seri Najib understands Malay subtlety and the signal he sends will not be direct. But I think everyone will get the message,” said an Umno official.

The fight for the leadership of Wanita Umno moved into the spotlight purely because of the dynamics of the two contenders who were once partners but are now bitter foes.

Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz and Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil are barely on speaking terms and it is going to be finito for whoever loses because the feelings between them have grown so personal the winner is unlikely to concede anything to the loser. It will be a winner-takes-all kind of ending to the Wanita fight.

On Tuesday, after a session to introduce those contesting posts in the wing to the women delegates from the Federal Territory, the two women, wearing fixed smiles, exited from the same door and went their own separate ways.

Of all the contests taking place, this one least represents change whichever way it turns out. Rafidah, 65, has held the post for 24 years while Shahrizat, 56, has waited too long.

But Shahrizat has run a very focused campaign that has seen her harnessing all her experience in women’s issues and will present a plan for the wing if she wins. On top of that, Datuk Kamilia Ibrahim who won the No 2 post unopposed has declared support for her.

The Umno Youth contest, like that for Wanita Umno, will take place on March 25, a day before the one for the main party.

Tense race

There has been so much interest in the battle for the Youth leadership that when a TV station featured the three men in a live debate, it was the talk of the party for several days.

One reason is that all three men are larger than life personalities in their own way – the son of the former Prime Minister, the son-in-law of the present Prime Minister, and a former Mentri Besar.

The antagonism among them has grown as personal as that for the Wanita Umno fight.

Khairy Jamaluddin and Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir have had a prickly relationship since the day Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad began attacking Abdullah.

They cannot stand the sight of each other but have to see each other almost every day now that the party’s meet-the-delegates sessions are in full swing.

Every night, they have to endure the “clapping politics” that has become a feature of these sessions. Each time a candidate’s name is called out, supporters clap and cheer and onlookers cannot help but compare who gets the loudest cheers and applause.

In Negri Sembilan recently, many noticed Mukhriz had a more enthusiastic reception than the other contenders when his name was called out. But Mukhriz, who had seemed unstoppable at the nominations stage, is struggling to catch up.

Datuk Seri Dr Khir Toyo, on his part, entered the contest feeling like a stepchild with no famous family name to ride on.

But he has defied the odds and Umno straw polls have him in the lead. This, despite the Pakatan Rakyat government in Selangor exposing scandal after scandal that have allegedly taken place in Dr Khir’s administration.

A survey by the Merdeka Centre had some revealing insight into who Malaysian voters preferred as leaders in Umno. There is evidently a big gap between this and Umno delegates’ preferences for Umno.

The party should give some thought to it because it is the voters who will decide whether the party will remain in power or fall.

The finishing line is in sight for those contesting posts although nothing is for sure until they breast the tape. But Umno politics and personalities will take centrestage over the next two weeks.

- MSTAR
www.mstar.com.my

Commentary - How developing countries are hit

By MARTIN KHOR

The financial crisis started in the West and now developing countries like Malaysia are being affected in many ways through the finance and trade transmission routes.

There doesn’t seem to be respite to the global economic downswing as the latest reports show another 651,000 jobs lost in the United States in February, bringing its unemployment rate to 8.1%, the worst in 25 years.

Although much of the global news of the crisis has focused on the West, it is the developing countries which are suffering more. The GNP fell by 3% to 4% in the US in the last quarter of 2008. But the fall was sharper in many Asian countries such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore.

The crisis began as a financial crisis in the US and Europe, and then this affected the West’s real economy as the credit crunch led to job losses and a fall in consumer spending. There was a lag time before the effects reached developing countries late last year. Now the effects are really being felt. The global crisis is like a train wreck in slow motion.

The two main ways in which the Western crisis is being transmitted to developing countries are through finance and trade.

In the finance route, some countries have been hit through investing in toxic or depreciating assets. The sovereign wealth funds in Singapore and Middle East oil-producing states invested in some of the big US, Swiss and British banks whose stocks have lost much of their value. China has also lost value in investments turned sour, or in some toxic assets.

Some individuals in Hong Kong and Singapore invested in funds that in turn invested in Lehmann Brothers that went into bankruptcy. Latin Americans invested in funds of the US-based Stanford Bank that is now mired in fraud charges.

Secondly, there has been a big drop in funds flowing to developing countries. Net capital flows to emerging markets are estimated to fall from US$929bil (RM3.5 trillion) in 2007 to US$466bil (RM1.7 trillion) in 2008 and further to US$165bil (RM623bil) this year, according to the Institute of International Finance ((IFI).

Of these capital flows, portfolio investment which surged into developing countries has been flowing out, especially from the sale of shares in the stock markets. Malaysia is one of the countries affected by portfolio investment outflow. In the bond markets, business in emerging markets fell from US$50bil (RM188.8bil) in the second quarter of 2008 to only US$5bil (RM1.9bil) in the last quarter.

There is also a severe reverse flow in bank credit. The IFI expects that this year the banks will take out more in debt repayment in emerging markets than they provide in new loans.

Thirdly, the flow of FDI worldwide fell by 21% to US$1.4 trillion (RM5.3 trillion) last year, according to UNCTAD data. So far, developed countries have been affected more by this. The FDI flow to developing countries still grew by 4% in 2008, but this was much slower than 21% in 2007.

In the trade transmission route, developing countries are also affected in many ways. Firstly, their exports to the US and Europe have dropped sharply as consumers cut spending.

Last week, it was reported that Malaysia’s exports fell by 28% in January, the fourth straight month of decline. Some other Asian countries fared worse. In the latest month where figures are available, exports fell by 46% for Japan, 44% for Taiwan, 48% for the Philippines, 38% for Singapore and 34% for South Korea, compared with the 12 previous months.

In China, exports in January fell by 17.5% which has caused thousands of factories to close, with 20 million losing their jobs, according to official estimates. But China’s imports fell by 43% and this has hit many Asian countries which export manufactured parts used in making the products meant for exports to the West.

Besides the fall in demand for developing countries’ manufactured exports such as electronic products and components and textiles and clothing, many countries have also seen a sudden drop in the demand and prices of export commodities.

The most publicised fall is in the oil price which dropped from its peak of US$140 (RM528) a barrel to around US$40 (RM151) at present. This is a blow to oil producing countries.

Prices of a wide range of other commodities have also dropped sharply. In Malaysia, for example, the palm oil price fell from a peak of RM4,300 a tonne in March 2008 to a low of RM1,390 in October. It has since recovered to about RM1,900.

On Feb 24, The Economist’s commodity-price dollar index for all items had fallen by 42% compared to a year ago. The index for food was 30% down, for non-food agricultural products 45% down and for metals 60% down.

Trade in services is also affected. For example, global tourist arrivals fell by 1% in the second half of 2008. In the Caribbean, which depends heavily on tourism, arrivals are expected to fall by one third this season.

Countries like India that have benefited from outsourcing by US multinationals (for services ranging from accountancy to being call centres) are expected to be affected as the business of the Western firms shrink.

Thirdly, developing countries are facing a worsening of trade financing as banks have tightened their supply of credit even for routine import and export business. It was reported at a World Trade Organi- sation meeting that there is a US$25bil (RM94.4bil) shortfall in trade financing that now needs to be filled.

The reduced flows or outflows in finance and the fall in exports of goods and services have led to a deterioration in the balance of payments and the stock of foreign reserves in many developing countries. Some have also seen their currencies devalued, making it more difficult to service their external loans.

Thus the transmission through the finance and trade routes is working its way through to the real economy of output, trade and jobs. And this is only the beginning, as the recession in the US and Europe is now expected to last at least two years.

- THE STAR

Commentary - Demonstration against the use of English in the teaching of Mathematics and Science

Yesterday's demonstration against the use of English in the teaching of Mathematics and Science has been described as an exercise in futility, since the Government has yet to make a decision on the matter.

But that assumes the protest masterminds did not realise this and were merely engaging in futile actions.

The more likely prospect is scarier: that they were deliberately pressuring or intimidating the Government into making the decision they want.

Clearly, such demonstrations that disturb the peace and infringe on the public interest are anti-social.

If the Govern­ment gives in to their demands now, other groups with other causes will be encouraged to take to the streets to force their preference on the nation.

In a mature and reasonable society, there is no substitute for rational discourse where differences of opinion exist. But the proper channels for registering disagreement are nullified and threatened by rowdy protests.

The standard of English for the vast majority of Malaysians has fallen over the years, so there is simply no case against improving it.

The realities of an increasingly competitive world demand that we raise our standard of the foremost international language.

Even the majority of students at school prefer to use English in these two subjects. Advocates of English should also speak out more.

If reason and the popular will mean anything to these protesters, they should change their views forthwith.

Perhaps more should be done to ensure teachers are better prepared to manage these subjects in English.

But the choice of Mathematics and Science, which require little prose to teach and which already possess many terms in English, shows the concessions the Government has already made.

It may seem “easier” for people whose native tongue is not English to reject having to deal with the language altogether. But that is the way for people with little inkling of what the future holds.

For now, such protest moments give political opportunists an opening to exploit.

The authorities in turn need to be firm, and enforce the law professionally against those who would flout it, without any recourse to senseless brutality.

- THE STAR

Commentary - How long can this political crisis go on?

Politics in Perak has reached a more urgent level after the drama of an open-air “emergency assembly sitting” but there is no sign that either side is ready to concede.

It was not a scene that many in the crowd thought they would witness in their lifetime – a State Legislative Assembly “sitting” in the shade of a giant raintree smack in the middle of Ipoh.

Or, at least, that was what the Pakatan Rakyat assemblymen declared it to be.

They were in formal suit and tie, the Speaker V. Sivakumar wore his embroidered songkok and ceremonial robes while the almost brand new Toyota Camry bearing the official seal of the Mentri Besar was parked nearby.

It was quite a surreal scene but the huge crowd that turned up to watch the event seemed to take it rather seriously.

But then, so much of what has happened in Perak in recent weeks has not been anything that Perakians imagined they would see.

And after what happened yesterday, it is difficult to see how much longer things can go on this way.

There seems to be twin sets of everything in Perak – two Mentris Besar, two executive councils and even two sets of lawyers representing the respective sides. It has become quite farcical.

Both the Pakatan and Barisan Nasional have tried to checkmate each other every step of the way and the result has been a political stalemate that has left Perakians confused, frustrated and unhappy.

Reporters have had an even more uniquely tough time. If they refer to Datuk Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir as the Mentri Besar, they are reprimanded by Pakatan supporters; if they refer to Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin as the Mentri Besar, they are reprimanded by Barisan supporters.

There are two governments and no opposition in Perak, as they say.

The question on many people’s mind is: When and how will all of this end?

The Merdeka Centre survey on how people felt about this issue was quite apparent on the ground yesterday. The Pakatan crowd saw a racially mixed group while the Malay sentiment was clearly split.

Among the more hardcore supporters on either side, there is very real anger over what they see as their right to power as illustrated by a number of brief but fierce scuffles yesterday.

Were it not for the political handlers controlling the situation, things could have become really ugly.

Yesterday’s events demonstrated just how determined Pakatan is in pushing the boundaries and in challenging the political standing and legality of the new Barisan government.

It is evident Pakatan has no intention of backing off from its claim to power even though Nizar looked like he had lost weight and the Speaker seemed quite overwhelmed as he was escorted to his car after the dramatic morning.

As far as they are concerned, the State Legislative Assembly has been dissolved and Dr Zambry and his six executive councillors have been suspended.

Their goal is to force a state election, something the Barisan has little intention of doing.

“They have filed legal suits to challenge the legality of the new Mentri Besar and to declare the seats vacant. Let the courts decide instead of resorting to street action,” said Datuk Chang Ko Youn, an adviser in Dr Zambry’s executive council.

He said Nizar should have asked for a dissolution of the State Assembly when he still enjoyed the majority.

“It was only after he lost the majority that he pressed for fresh elections. It was too late,” said Chang.

Analogies have been drawn between what is happening in Perak to that in Thailand, where the King consented to the formation of a new government after the incumbent regime lost its majority in Parliament.

But the Thai solution has not been ideal because the losing side has resorted to street protests or people power as they call it.

As for Perakians, they cannot even see the light at the end of the tunnel. But everywhere one goes in Ipoh, people have an opinion on the politics around them.

Even the Chinese, so notorious for keeping their political opinions close to their chest, are now getting it off their chest to just about anyone who will listen.

But it cannot be denied that regardless of whether people support Pakatan, Barisan or are undecided, there is widespread sentiment that the medium-term solution lies in a state election.

Otherwise, the political drama will continue with no real winners and the losers will be the rakyat.

The people are looking to the Perak palace for a wise solution.

- THE STAR

Commentary - Look at issues rationally

With Malaysians being increasingly caught in political partisanship, we need to keep a cool head and not get over-emotional.

A scumbag. And that’s a mild word to describe the person who took and circulated lewd photographs of Selangor state executive councillor and Bukit Lanjan state assemblyman Elizabeth Wong, which caused her downfall.

Her boyfriend, Hilmi Malek, has been blamed for the disgusting action and if the allegations are true, he should be arrested soon and made to face the consequences.

But if Malek, a 32-year-old special assistant to the PJ Selatan MP Hee Loy Sian, has been wrongly accused, he should defend himself.

He is now being regarded as a spurned ex-lover who had wanted to hit back at the 38-year-old novice politician for a relationship that went disastrously wrong. Or worse, as someone who had been paid to carry out a dirty job on her.

In the murky world of politics, Hilmi owes it to his Parti Keadilan Rakyat members to come out with his side of the story.

Unfortunately, Malaysians now have to get used to politicians who flee the country without giving much-needed explanations.

Like in the case of Bukit Selambau assemblyman V. Arumugam, who faces allegations of bigamy. He quit, albeit through a letter sent via a third party, without the decency of explaining his move to his constituency and supporters.

Is he being pressured or threatened by the Barisan Nasional, as his party chiefs are claiming, or is he is just running away from serious personal problems? Unfortunately, the voters who picked him have been left on their own to speculate and in politically partisan Malay­sia, views have become pretty predictable. If you support PKR, his life must surely be in danger and if you are in the Barisan, he is just a bad husband and father.

As for Hilmi, we are told that he is now in Indonesia, and by a strange coincidence, Wong is also said to be in the same country.

Last week, Eli, as the former non-governmental organisation activist is popularly known, described her experience “as the darkest episode of my life” and “I have never felt so alone, vulnerable and humiliated”.

Wong, who has offered to resign from her state exco post and state assemblyman seat, said she had been told that there would be a fresh assault, with more photographs and videos released and circulated.

She said she has left the country “to search for peace of mind and get away from the stormy events surrounding me”.

Wong is not alone. Most Malaysians with any sense of decency and conscience stand by her and are even questioning her decision to quit her posts, however honourable it may be.

Her case cannot be compared with that of MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, who is married and was filmed having sex with another woman. Wong is a mature and single urbanite, serving multi-racial urban constituents who certainly don’t expect her to practise celibacy. They picked a state assembly representative, not a nun.

She is entitled to her personal life and what she does behind closed doors at home is none of anybody’s business. It has nothing to do with her performance as an elected representative.

She has said the photographs were taken when she was asleep, which meant she did not pose for Hilmi or any other person. If she was aware, the situation might take a different dimension but we should take her word for it at this point.

It is not fair for anyone to prejudge her. Who are we to decide on her morality, with all our flaws, weaknesses and sins? Certainly it is not right for any Barisan Nasional supporter to attack her because she is from PKR.

But on that note, the opposition should also not be too quick to blame the circulation of Wong’s revealing photos on the Barisan. It could well be internal sabotage by powerful forces within the PKR who feel that Wong has stood in the way of their agenda.

It has been said that Wong, an uncompromising figure on hill development in Selangor, had stepped on the toes of powerful people in the state, who may have just backed certain politicians.

It is easy for PKR leaders to blame the Barisan for the party’s shortcomings. The two Perak PKR assemblymen, who were arrested and charged with corruption, were defended by party leaders relentlessly, even to the extent of describing their arrests as political sabotage.

But the minute they quit PKR to become Independents, they suddenly became discards and unworthy politicians tainted with corruption. Suddenly, it was a case of good riddance, and good luck to the Barisan for taking in these allegedly corrupt politicians.

For some, the possibility that Wong could be a victim of an ex-lover or a rival politician within the PKR seems far-fetched. It has to be another evil act from the Barisan in the black-and-white world of Malaysian politics. The establishment’s lack of credibility is the cause for such public perception and perception is everything in politics.

We have become too caught up in partisanship. We may not agree with the politics of the Barisan or Pakatan Rakyat but certain issues need to be looked at with a clear mind.

And just because Wong is PKR, she has to be deemed immoral with a questionable lifestyle when we know there are plenty, including those in the Barisan component parties, who project a religiously pious personality but see little wrong in corruption. Not many would want to condemn such immorality.

There’s also a lesson for PAS and its many self-appointed guardians of morality: Do not be too quick to prejudge others. Surely, they too would want to walk with Eli now.

Malaysians need to take a step back and stop looking at issues too emotionally. Partisanship and inability to evaluate issues rationally can tear the nation apart.

Commentary - It’s in the Constitution

By AZMI SHAROM
Teacher of Law

Sultans and Rajas are constitutional monarchs and have powers determined by the Federal Constitution.

I wish that all those people calling for Karpal Singh’s head would just take a minute and pick up the Federal Constitution. Turn to Article 182 and you will see provisions for a “Special Court”.

The job of this Special Court is to try civil proceedings brought against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or any of the Sultans.

This was not always the case. Before 1993, the rulers had absolute immunity. And before 1984, they actually had the power to veto legislation. These powers were taken away by the Barisan Nasional government headed by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

DAP chairman Karpal Singh’s desire for the Sultan of Perak to be brought to court is reasonable and allowed for by law. Besides, I think it is a good thing that the King and the Sultans can be brought to court.

You see, the days of the all-powerful king is gone now and that is, for me at least, progress. It shows that we are a society that values democracy.

Yes, we have Sultans and Rajas, but they are constitutional monarchs. This means that they have powers determined by the Constitution and not some divine power to do as they wish. This being the case, surely if they overstep their boundaries, if they behave in an unconstitutional manner, they should be challenged – respectfully, properly – in a court of law.

Now, did the Sultan of Perak act in a way that was unconstitutional when he appointed a new Mentri Besar? It is arguable.

The power to appoint a Mentri Besar is clearly at the discretion of the Sultan. This is one of the few real powers that he has. A power that he does not have is to dismiss an existing Mentri Besar.

Usually this does not raise many problems. During the last general election, we saw the Sultan of Perak and the Sultan of Terengganu both deciding on who should be the new Mentri Besar of their respective states.

They made decisions that went against the desires of the majority party in both state legislative assemblies. The two monarchs thought that their choices commanded the confidence of the two Houses and were the best men for the job. It was their prerogative.

But the current case in Perak is different. The Sultan chose a new Mentri Besar while the old one was still in office. By appointing a new man, he was in effect sacking the old one. And sacking the Mentri Besar is not within his constitutional powers.

I think there is room for debate on this matter and, ideally, it should be settled in the Special Court.

Actually, I am rather curious as to why the Sultan did not just dissolve the state assembly when requested. All this party-hopping business was wreaking havoc on the public’s faith in the democratic system.

Surely, the clearest and fairest way out of the debacle was to have fresh state elections.

For the sake of continued faith in democracy, I would have thought the Sultan, who has spoken many times so eloquently about democracy and rule of law, would have just said “right, let the people decide again”.

After all, the greatest threat to political, and thus national, stability are a people who have lost their faith in the democratic system. It is only when such faith is lost that extreme behaviour emerges.

Anyway, what is done is done; legal battles are being fought over the Perak matter and that particular crisis will be settled in its own time.

Meanwhile, there is much that can still be achieved. The states ruled by Pakatan Rakyat must continue to push their agenda forward and live up to their election promises.

For example, I notice with a little dismay that the new Selangor government has yet to withdraw the case against Sagong Tasi.

In 2002, Sagong obtained a judgment in his favour by the Court of Appeal which held that his Orang Asli community had a propriety interest in their customary land. This meant that when the land was taken by the government, they should have been properly compensated.

This case was against the former state government and, of course, Datuk Seri Khir Toyo and his men appealed the decision.

Considering the fact that Pakatan Rakyat is concerned about justice and fair treatment to all Malaysians, and considering also that the last MB of Perak was making headway in granting proper titles to the Orang Asli in his state, the current Selangor government should just stop the action.

Yes, the battle of Perak must continue. But there are many other battles to be fought and won. Fairness and justice must be striven for on all fronts, continuously. It’s easy to forget this amid the shrill cries of “traitor” by the ill-informed.

- THE STAR

Commentary - Time to cut the fat and waste

The economic downturn should be an opportunity to re-examine the New Economic Policy, government procurement, the pricing system and the system of subsidies.

Two by-elections for Malaysians right after the political drama in Perak. And let’s not forget the two other by-elections in Permatang Pauh and Kuala Terengganu.

I don’t think many Malaysians are looking forward to the prospect of the two by-elections. The rising political temperature is draining our energy from more pressing concerns such as the economic crisis.

The storm clouds are gathering fast and the Government, private sector and individual Malaysians should be in a state of readiness for what could be a very challenging time for the Malaysian economy.

So, how should we respond? By being bold and brave. Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has said that the Government is ready to unveil a mini-budget soon.

It’s termed a mini budget rather than a stimulus package because it is not just providing allocations that can generate growth but incentives would have to be included.

If the RM7bil stimulus package in Novem­ber was aimed at boosting domestic demands and perking up the construction sector, it is hoped that the mini-budget will focus on reducing the cost of doing business in Malay­sia and making some structural changes to the economy.

Making sacrifices

Malaysia’s Industrial Production Index is down and so are the country’s exports. This is a sure sign that the manufacturing sector is hurting and jobs are at risk.

To preempt any mass retrenchment, the Government should consider allowing employers to reduce their contribution to the EPF and suspend their payments to some funds, including the Human Resource Development Fund.

These savings will boost the reserves of companies and small and medium-sized enterprises, allowing them to keep retrenchment to a minimum.

We can already hear the unions baying for blood but the reality is very simple – jobs are going to be lost during this crunch time and everyone has got to be on the same page to ensure that unemployment numbers are kept down.

If this means suspending some of the employers’ contributions for a period of time, so be it. Workers should also be prepared to make some sacrifices. Some companies have already started asking their workers to work fewer days in the month. This is the result of a drop-off in demand for goods and services.

It’s simple. The United States and Europe no longer have the capacity to consume more goods; they just can’t afford it.

That means Malaysian factories are no longer required to produce more. Factories have no choice but to cut down production and reduce expenditure to save jobs.

It is possible that more companies in Malay­sia would have to shorten working hours and cut down on overtime. All in the name of keeping businesses going and keeping people on the payroll.

The priority of the Government has to be to save jobs. The goal of boosting domestic demands and keeping consumption at healthy levels will come to naught if Malaysians are out of work.

The mini-budget should also focus on spreading funds to projects which can be implemented speedily and easily. Building medium-cost houses and other major infrastructure has significant multiplier effect but all these take time to take off the ground. Land has to be acquired, approvals obtained and obstacles overcome.

In short, it will take some time before the funds from the Govern­ment get to the developer or contractor.

Treating the malady

As an alternative, the Government should focus on maintenance and repair of schools, maintenance of government flats and replacement of water pipes. Money can be disbursed faster and the spillover effects will also be felt faster.

The fact that school boards of management can now decide on their contractors is in the right direction.

That would result in fewer complaints of shoddy work, over-priced jobs and contract jobs that are dominated by one race.

But it is hoped that the mini-budget will not just be about pump-priming and short-term measures. Businessmen, foreign investors and analysts agree that Malaysia’s attractiveness as a place to invest and do business has been eroded by structural problems.

So the Government should view the economic downturn as an opportunity to re-examine all the assumptions and policies which have underpinned the Malaysian economy all these years. This includes the New Economic Policy, government procurement, the pricing system and the system of subsidies.

Nothing can be sacred in these unprecedented times. This is the time to cut the fat, eradicate waste and boost productivity without having to worry about offending the sacred cows, dead wood and Little Napoleons.

Commentary - BN, Pakatan & Political Crisis in Perak

The move by Barisan Nasional to wrest power in Perak has raised many questions about the role of the monarchy in Malaysia’s democratic system.

On March 8, 2008 in Perak, a loose Opposition coalition that eventually became the Pakatan Rakyat eased past the Barisan Nasional to win the state with a handful of majority seats in the State Assembly and a popular majority of 43,095 votes.

Whilst there was quite a lot of uncertainty then, a new Mentri Besar and administration (with a very strong DAP component) was decided upon with the guidance of the Sultan himself and on March 17, Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, PAS’ deputy commissioner and an engineer by profession was sworn in.

On Feb 6 this year, some 11 months later and following a series of high-profile defections from Pakatan Rakyat, a Barisan Nasional leader Datuk Dr Zambry Kadir was appointed as the new Mentri Besar.

As the son of a Perakian (my father’s family is from Kuala Kangsar), it is not easy for me to write about the ongoing saga and my discomfort over these events will be true for most Malays.

There is a deep-rooted, almost primordial attachment to the Sultan even if one has nothing to do with the Palace.

I’ve always felt if one allows this link to be cut, then the sense of “Malayness” would begin to wither away and a specifically Muslim identity would assume greater importance.

I’m also hemmed in by my past and friendships in that both the new Mentri Besar ‘Doc’ Zambry and the Raja Muda are my personal friends – men I’ve long enjoyed talking with over the years.

Indeed both are smart and intelligent, far superior than most of their peers.

Having said this, I remain very troubled by the series of events and the underlying feelings of injustice that have prompted the unforgettable phrase ‘patik mohon derhaka’.

While most non-Malays will feel appalled by the transition, there is, however, a less clear-cut mood amongst the Malays, especially the older Malays.

To them, the entire episode can be under-scored by anxieties that the mainstream Malay media have played up – issues of special rights, race and religion.

In contrast, many PAS supporters are outraged by what has transpired and images of tear gas in Kuala Kangsar in particular will only serve to increase party recruitment amongst the young.

It’s important to note that the change in power in Perak does not constitute a BN “victory”.

As we know, exuberance in Umno circles is hardly a good indication of the sentiment on the ground.

We have witnessed a debacle, a series of events that has created mountains of ill-will, resentment and anger which will simmer for many years to come.

Now, for a coalition like BN, whose reputation is already in tatters, what has happened in Perak serves to confirm our worst suspicions of a lack of principles in their political manoeuvrings even though many argue that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim started it all.

As far as I can see, neither the BN nor Umno had attempted to reform themselves.

Instead, introspection and reflection have been replaced by backroom deal-makings of the past.

For those who want to know what will happen next, the answer is quite simple.

Just look at Sabah’s experience in the mid 90s when the opposition PBS government was toppled.

Having secured control of the state through defections, there will be a consolidation of power (via further crossovers), followed by a sizeable economic stimulus package as money is poured into the state under the BN’s aegis.

It is ironical that back in 1995, Anwar was the principal architect of the Sabah initiative and whilst we think that he’s reformed his ways, the switching of Datuk Nasarudin Hashim, the Bota Assemblyman, to Pakatan confirms our worst suspicions of his modus operandi.

His ill-judged cross-over precipitated the fall of a prized Pakatan state government just as the team was getting into its stride.

Karpal Singh is right to challenge Anwar’s judgment and good sense.

Nonetheless, the three former Pakatan ADUNs are guilty of a terrible betrayal of trust and deserve to be vilified and ostracized for letting down the voters.

Many of us will also want to see what would transpire with the corruption charges currently levelled against the two gentlemen from PKR.

Events in Perak have also raised important questions about the monarchy and its role in our democracy.

There’s clearly a lot of anger directed against the Perak Royal House and the implications are troubling.

Had the Sultan decided to dissolve the State Legislature and call for an election he would have passed the challenge of forming the state government to the people.

The responsibility for success or failure would have remained with the people of Perak.

Finally, Umno has secured power without reform.

This is the kind of victory Umno likes – the kind of victory that requires no sacrifice or changes in its practices.

The party of Merdeka has inadvertently unleashed powerful forces that will further undermine the Malay ethos it seeks to champion as PAS’ supporters and the young become ever more suspicious and distrustful of all mainstream institutions.

Commentary - Crucial test for new Perak MB

The new Perak state government faces an arduous task of coming out with better policies and strategies to win over the hearts of the people.

Datuk Dr Zambry Kadir started his first day as the Mentri Besar by attending a Chinese New Year gathering at Kampung Simee, where the crowd was mostly Chinese and Indians.

His message to the listeners was that he would be a Mentri Besar of all races and that he would be fair.

Dr Zambry is surely aware of the difficulties ahead of him. There is plenty of unhappiness, if not outright hostility towards the Barisan Nasional government.

For many, it is a victory without honour. It would be hard for him to explain or convince the people who voted in the Pakatan Rakyat government that it was Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim who started the game by getting Bota State Assemblyman Datuk Nasaruddin Hashim to defect.

With emotions running high, supporters of the PR government seem to forget or ignore that the party hopping exercise started after March 8 when efforts were made to get BN MPs to defect to force a democratically elected federal government to collapse.

Tian Chua and other senior PKR leaders even went on a much publicised trip to Taiwan to convince Barisan MPs to defect, setting the Sept 16 deadline, and claiming such defections were principled and democratic decisions.

But the game seems to have gone too far. Ordinary Malaysians have found the events of the past week distasteful and insulting. They feel robbed of their constitutional rights.

Anwar, again, showed his impatience – his Achilles heel – but this time, he paid heavily by losing a state.

He is certainly a major factor in the fiasco.

But it would not an easy ride for Dr Zambry. He now heads a government made up entirely of Malay elected representatives and only one Chinese assemblyman from MCA.

There is no Indian BN state assembly representative in the ranks.

His executive council would certainly not reflect the multi-racial composition of the state.

But given the circumstances, he could appoint Chinese and Indian leaders to head various committees and agencies but they must be given enough political clout.

Comparisons would be made because the perception is that under the PR government, important portfolios were given to non-Malays, which, to many seemed to reflect better power sharing.

Given the current political make-up, Dr Zambry would have to find ways to present a balanced line up, no doubt a difficult task.

Dr Zambry must realise that the positions he creates and the steps he takes over the next few weeks would have implications over the political future of the state.

He can still retain the state in the next general election in spite of the current anger among the voters.

One week is a long time in politics. Three years is even longer. The PBS state government collapsed when its elected representatives crossed over to the BN in 1994. The BN won massively in 1999 by securing a two-thirds majority.

Populist measures should now be on the fast track of Dr Zambry’s agenda because he has little time. He is facing a scenario that none of the other BN leaders has faced and he has to tackle the challenges head on.

He needs to resolve the land title issues of the farmers, which has been a long-standing concern.

It is certainly not about race. It is not about giving land titles to Chinese farmers but about giving a fair deal to generations of pomelo and guava farmers who have toiled the land for decades.

We applaud their efforts and acknowledge their contributions to the agricultural sector and yet they have to appeal, if not beg, for land titles.

Similarly, tropical fish breeders have helped to earn revenue for the state coffers. They, too, have a good case. He has to convince the Malay community that their interest would not be neglected and that any issuance of titles to genuine farmers would also help them.

The PR state government earned plenty of brownie points by setting out its agenda with decisions that won the hearts of Perakians.

Dr Zambry has to do better. Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, who would take over the national leadership in April, too needs to put the state under his personal care.

There is no better place than Perak to emphasise his “One Malaysia” slogan. Perak can serve as a model state

Commentary - Collapsing Malaysian politics

Even as bad news hog the economic front, Malaysians are having a stimulating time keeping up with the antics of certain politicians doing the hop.

I sense that you are tired of politics, but a little excited as well, over what’s happening in Perak, and who knows, maybe even Negri Sembilan, no?

You’re not alone.

In the past, this type of action usually occurred in Sabah, and it has to be honestly said that as far as most people in peninsular Malaysia were concerned, it was something that happened a million miles away.

Not any more.

It’s getting to the point where just about anywhere you look, political defections or party-hopping — and wholesale changes of government because of it — seem to be as easy to effect as getting water out of a tap.

What’s next? “ADUNs and MPs Wanted/For Sale” ads in the Classifieds section?

Now we know how the people of Sabah feel.

The first signs of this outbreak of “the froggies” appeared last year.

Mere months after the March 8 general election, Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim got the ball rolling with his Sept 16 promise, suggesting that dozens of Members of Parliament were on the verge of defecting from Barisan Nasional to Pakatan Rakyat.

This, after saying in an interview — in which I was one of the interviewers — that Pakatan Rakyat would not rock the boat but would rather focus on strengthening the state governments that it controlled, and ensuring that the people who voted in the alliance in Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor, got the sort of government they wanted.

But soon after that interview, Anwar started talking about cross-overs and began hinting that a Pakatan Rakyat-led federal government was just a matter of time.

It seemed like a real possibility leading up to the much-hyped Sept 16 deadline, with even the Barisan showing some signs of panic by sending its backbenchers on an agriculture study tour to Taiwan.

Nothing much came out of Anwar’s “promise”, and as for the agriculture study tour, I suppose the primary lesson learnt was that in many instances, you will reap what you sow.

It’s probably the lesson that Barisan is bent on teaching right now, especially to the person Gerakan president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon described as the “King of Frogs”, whoever that may be.

As this column is being written, the Pakatan Rakyat-led Perak government has collapsed. Barisan has announced that it has the numbers to form the state government, with Bota assemblyman Datuk Nasarudin Hashim, who defected to PKR just a few weeks ago, having re-defected, if there is such a word, back to Umno.

So much for his publicly-stated belief in Pakatan Rakyat’s capability “to be a better coalition of component parties for the people’s benefit”. Now it’s about “sacrifice”, or so he says.

Perak state assembly deputy speaker Hee Yit Foong has left the DAP, which raises questions as to exactly what she meant just a few days ago when she said that “I have never had any intention of leaving the party and would feel very heavy-hearted if I did”.

Joining Hee as newly-minted Independents throwing their support behind Barisan are Behrang assemblyman Jamaluddin Mat Radzi and Changkat Jering assemblyman Mohd Osman Jailu, both of whom performed a disappearing act over several days that would have awed even David Copperfield.

In the midst of it all, Perak Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin sought to head off Barisan’s manoeuvres by getting the Perak Sultan’s consent to dissolve the state assembly and call for fresh state elections.

What a turnaround it was for Nizar, as just a few days ago he was quoted as saying that the Perak government was “very stable”. I doubt he would want to answer you right now if you asked what “very shaky” looks like.

In any event, by the time you read this today, Malaysians will probably have found out which side prevailed.

It’s been very exciting, hasn’t it?

Who needs a stimulus package, when politics of the sort we’re seeing over here can probably stimulate just about anything.

At the very least, this drama takes our minds off that nagging worry over the economic hardship that many Malaysians are or will be enduring.

And why not?

Too many of our politicians don’t seem to be giving our welfare much serious thought anyway, preoccupied as they are with their respective political fortunes.

And even if they say they are concerned about the economy, the examples I cited above would probably be useful in gauging how much salt you would need to season such political statements before you gulp them down.

Forgive me for sounding cynical, but I thought a progressive and politically mature Malaysia was what was in the offing from the results of last year’s general election.

I see now that maybe it was just too much too ask.

You and I could be tired of politics, but politicians never are.

Commentary - The amazing Malaysian hopping frog

While frogs are simply built to jump, another resurrected species brings new meaning to the word when with a mere hop and skip they can topple elected governments.

A Couple of days ago some of us old-timers in the office were swapping some tales of days gone by and one of us related the story of embarking on night missions to catch frogs, bringing them back and having them for supper in porridge.

“You know, frogs are not slimy,” one said to the other. “Their skin is smooth, but not slimy. If you want to catch them you have got to get a firm hold on them around their waists above their hind legs.”

“And they can jump! Your arm will move quite a way up when they jump while they are in your grasp.”

The others looked incredulously at the frog-catcher. Not slimy? Such a strong leap?

Not all of that applies to those of the two-legged variety whose jumps will eventually bring about the fall of the Perak government and may threaten others, both the Pakatan Rakyat’s and Barisan Nasional’s.

And yes, another one of us remarked that the two-legged variety will be far too poisonous to be put into porridge and eaten — perhaps we should just put that variety in the soup for jumping? But alas, there will be no such luck. Pakatan and Barisan are both united on this one — neither wants to stop the frogs from, well, jumping.

Our new revived species of frogs are giving the old noble species a very bad name. You see, frogs — the four-legged variety — are naturally well-endowed, very able and very exceptional creatures.

Here’s an excerpt from Wikipedia: “Frogs are generally recognised as exceptional jumpers, and the best jumper of all vertebrates. The Australian rocket frog, can leap over 50 times its body length (5.5cm), resulting in jumps of over 2m.

“In modern frogs, almost all muscles have been modified to contribute to the action of jumping, with only a few small muscles remaining to bring the limb back to the starting position and maintain posture.”

I don’t know whether our two-legged frogs are similarly equipped to make those metaphysical hops but I suspect not.

They are influenced by negative and positive inducements to jump, or else who can explain to me their seemingly innate ability to metamorphose — better and quicker than the real frogs.

Well, we all know how frogs develop from fish-like tadpoles into the adult frog form which is so different from the starting point. That happens just once. But our metaphysical frogs are even more amazing — they can change at will.

And so they went from ardent Pakatan supporters to ardent Barisan fans because Pakatan was no good; and one even hopped from Barisan to Pakatan and back to Barisan all in a few days — the super frog, as one news wag put it.

Now tell me, which ordinary, everyday, regular frog can beat that for metamorphosis!

I wonder what kind of inducement can induce that. And talk about charging more than once for the same product, it would make a used car salesman blush in shame. It is make hay while the sun shines, and the higher you jump the higher the bid.

So if one two-legged frog can metamorphose, what’s to stop more of them from taking the great leap forward, or backward, as the case may be? See, there are two playing the game now, whereas it was one before.

And we have a whole slew of legislation supporting this wonderful game of leapfrog such as you can’t contest for the same seat for five years if you resign from it. That means you can’t do the honourable thing when you jump ship ... er, party. And if you jump party there is nothing to force you to step down.

Poor Pakatan is now at the wrong side of the great divide that the amazing Malaysian hopping frogs are leaping across, but they really no longer have the high moral ground to ask for a stop to the hop. Why?

Here’s why. Barisan engineered three frogs to leap and one more to promptly hop back after leaping away.

But the Pakatan leader, considered a past expert on the amazing Malaysian hopping frog, got carried away and once threatened — and set a deadline — to get at least 30 frogs to leap and unseat the federal government, which was just eight seats short of a two-thirds majority.

That would have been quite a feat, even if it were immoral, but of course it never came to pass.

Barisan must have just taken a leaf out of his book of grand strategy and did a far more easier thing, the leap-frogging of just three state assemblymen on a net basis to unseat a state government.

As Confucius might have said: “He who has frogs must know he has frogs and know that they can hop, too.”

But these two-legged frogs, whose sudden return after some 14 years, are a dire threat to the practice of a vibrant democracy because their actions thwart the will of the people.

Perak’s people voted for the opposition. Now they are on the brink of getting a Barisan government. Unfair!

Here’s another interesting fact about frogs – they are present throughout the world but not in the Antarctica and some oceanic islands.

Which brings forth a thought. Those days rulers had the power to banish their subjects. These days they have the power to dissolve the state assembly or Parliament under some circumstances.

If I were a ruler and I had both powers, here’s what I would do. The two-legged frogs I would banish to the Antarctica to spend the rest of their days playing hopscotch and increasing the population of frogs there.

That would lead to a tie in the state assembly. There’s no choice but to dissolve it for fresh elections.