Ahli UMNO kini 3.2 juta

KUALA LUMPUR 21 Julai - Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak berkata, UMNO masih merupakan parti terbesar bagi orang Melayu di negara ini apabila jumlah terkini ahli berdaftar selepas proses pemutihan dijalankan menjangkau 3.2 juta orang.

Sehubungan itu Perdana Menteri menolak sebarang dakwaan yang menyatakan bahawa orang Melayu 'meluat' dan enggan menyertai UMNO kerana jumlah itu membuktikan sokongan orang Melayu terhadap parti tersebut masih padu.

Malah beliau dimaklumkan jumlah keahlian semakin meningkat dari semasa ke semasa berikutan program penambahan ahli baru yang giat dijalankan ketika ini.

"Siapa kata? Tidak betul. Saya tidak dapat terima ada pihak kata meluat kepada UMNO. Tidak betul. Kita parti terbesar bagi orang Melayu. Ahli kita ramai. Selepas pemutihan jumlahnya ialah 3,186,850. Mereka ini sayang kepada UMNO.

"Proses pemutihan melibatkan proses mengeluarkan nama mereka yang telah meninggal dunia. Ahli yang tidak berjaya dikesan pun nama mereka turut dikeluarkan. Jadi jumlah ini jumlah yang sahih,'' katanya.

Beliau yang juga Presiden UMNO bercakap kepada pemberita selepas mempengerusikan Mesyuarat Majlis Tertinggi (MT) di Menara Datuk Onn, Pusat Dagangan Dunia Putra (PWTC) di sini hari ini.

Turut hadir, Timbalan Presiden UMNO, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Naib-Naib Presiden dan Setiausaha Agung UMNO, Datuk Seri Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor.

Menjawab satu soalan lain, Najib berkata, perjalanan mesyuarat seluruh perwakilan Bahagian UMNO berjalan lancar walaupun terdapat dua bahagian menghadapi masalah iaitu Rantau Panjang, Kelantan dan Sungai Petani, Kedah.

"Janganlah buat tanggapan yang keterlaluan. Ini bukan perkara luar biasa dan boleh dikatakan setiap tahun ada masalah seperti ini. Setakat satu dua bahagian bermasalah bukan satu isu yang meruncing,'' katanya lagi.

Sementara itu beliau berkata, mesyuarat MT hari ini turut memutuskan untuk merujuk bekas Ketua UMNO Bahagian Rantau Panjang, Datuk Mohamad Zain Ismail ke Lembaga Disiplin parti bagi dipertimbangkan apa jua keputusan serta tindakan yang wajar diambil.

"Turut dirujuk, Ghazali Ismail bersama Ketua Pergerakan Puteri, Norhayati Mamat. Ini berikutan tindakan mereka mengadakan mesyuarat perwakilan bahagian yang tidak sah pada 26 Jun lalu.

"MT juga bersetuju pentadbiran UMNO Bahagian Rantau Panjang diambil alih oleh Badan Perhubungan UMNO Kelantan sehingga keadaan kembali pulih,'' katanya.

Ujar Najib, bagi Mesyuarat perwakilan UMNO Bahagian Sungai Petani yang turut berlaku kekecohan, MT mengambil keputusan untuk meletakkan pentadbiran bahagian itu di bawah urusan Badan Perhubungan UMNO Kedah.

"Tujuan kita mengambil keputusan ini adalah untuk meredakan keadaan. Setelah pulih kita akan serah balik kepada mereka,'' katanya.

Selain itu, Najib berkata, MT juga memutuskan untuk mengesahkan pelantikan Naib Ketua Puteri UMNO Bahagian Putrajaya, Husna Abdul Rahman sebagai Pemangku Ketua Puteri bahagian itu.

Beliau berkata, Husna menggantikan bekas ketuanya, Hamizah Abdullah Zawawi yang didapati tidak menghadiri program parti selama setahun.

"Saya juga mengambil maklum masalah yang berlaku pada UMNO Bahagian Setiu.

"Mengenai UMNO Bahagian Kelana Jaya, ia berjalan seperti biasa selepas Ketuanya, Tan Sri Muhammad Muhd. Taib menyerahkan tugas dan tanggungjawab kepada Timbalan Ketua Bahagian, Datuk Yahya Bujang,'' ujarnya.

- UTUSAN

Manek Urai by-election 2009 Coverage

9pm: Official result: PAS candidate Mohd Fauzi Abdullah has won the Manek Urai by-election by a majority of 65 votes. He garnered 5,348 votes against Barisan candidate Tuan Aziz Tuan Mat, who received 5,283 votes.

8:30pm After 23 out of 28 ballot boxes counted:

PAS: 4,335
Umno: 4,299
Majority: 36

Election Commission stops counting temporarily to await receipt of the five final ballot boxes.

8:25pm After 80% of the votes counted:

PAS: 4,090
Umno: 3,985
Majority: 105

8:10pm After about 30% of votes counted, Election Commission says the count so far is:

PAS: 1,962
Umno: 1,654
Majority: 308

8pm: Recount being held at respective polling stations due to slim majority of victory for polls winner. Sources say PAS candidate Mohd Fauzi Abdullah had won by less than 80 votes.

7.55pm: Sources say the race for the Manek Urai seat is close. Party sources from both Barisan and PAS claim they have won by a slim majority.

7.05pm: Ballot box from Manek Urai Baru first to arrive at tallying centre SMK Sultan Yahya Petra 1, followed by that from Sungai Peria dan Lata Rek.

5pm: Voting ends. Voter tunrout is 87.33%, with a total of 10,736 of the 12,293 eligible voters casting their votes. Results are expected about 8pm.

3pm: The crowds have eased at the polling centres after more than 80% of the electorate having cast their ballots. Traffic is still congested particularly at Kampung Peria heading to Manek Urai Baru. Police are managing the situation.

Several representatives from election watchdog Mafrel were seen monitoring the situation at several polling centres.

2.30pm: Five Puteri Umno members were injured in a scuffle with rival party supporters outside SK Peria at about 10.30am. It is learnt that a police report has been lodged.

2.30pm: As at 1pm, a total of 9,359 voters (76.2%) have cast their ballots.

1pm: As at 12.30pm over 8,400 voters (70%) have cast their ballots.

12.45pm: Police have been diverting traffic into village roads to ease the congestions along main roads such as Kuala Krai-Gua Musang.

Noon: Kelantan Umno chief Datuk Mustapa Mohamed arrived at SK Manek Urai Baru on a motorcycle when visiting the polling centre

11.45am: Kelantan police chief Senior Asst Comm 1 Datuk Abdul Rahim Hanafi urged outsiders not to use the Kuala Krai-Gua Musang road if they do not have urgent matters to attend to. This would facilitate better traffic movement for the Manek Urai by-election.

He said police would check on rumours of squabbles occuring at Barisan Nasional operations centre. No report made yet. He said it has been an incident-free process except for the traffic congestions.

11.45am: As at 11am, 7,085 voters (57%) have cast their ballots.

11am: Police say process smooth so far with the only reported incident being the verbal spat at SK Manek Urai Baru centre.

10.45am: Kuala Krai - Kota Baru road heavily congested. Cars jammed up the road over 10km between the Sg Peria and Pahi polling centres.

10:30am: As at 10am, over 4,700 voters (38%) had cast their ballots.

10am: Kelantan Umno deputy chief Datuk Dr Awang Adek Husin was at SK Manek Urai Baru for a walkabout and greeted supporters of both parties.

9.45am: The Election Commission confirmed that as at 9am, 1,932 voters (15%) had cast their ballots.

9.10am: An argument broke out between supporters of Barisan Nasional and PAS over space on the roadside at SK Manek Urai Baru. Policemen separated the two groups using tapes.

Earlier, Barisan candidate Tuan Aziz Tuan Mat visited SK Manek Urai Baru and shook hands with supporters of both parties.

Polling day for the Manek Urai by-election started smoothly as voters arrived at the nine centres which opened at 8am Tuesday.

The weather was cloudy in the morning. The rain is expected to stay away for the day.

Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat visited the SK Peria polling centre at about 8am.

He did not want to comment on the results but predicted a PAS victory.

The Election Commission expects a turnout of 85% among the 12,293 voters who will choose between Barisan Nasional candidate Tuan Aziz Tuan Mat, 39, and PAS’ Mohd Fauzi Abdullah, 50.

The election in this rural constituency was called following the death of Ismail Yaakob of PAS on May 22 due to a heart attack.

- THE STAR

Commentary - Stick to the voice of moderation

By WONG CHUN WAI

The fallout in the Kedah state government is evidence of how different it is to run a government with partners. PAS is certainly not used to it, particularly in dealing with the DAP. The sole DAP representative in Kedah, Lee Guan Aik, has now declared himself to be unaligned.

In other words, he is now an independent and will no longer support the Pakatan state government following the Kedah DAP’s decision to pull out of it.

As much as Pakatan Rakyat leaders want to put on a brave and united front, this is a serious blow to the coalition. The implications are enormous and the damage is highly explosive.

The Kedah state government has certainly not collapsed over the pull-out but feelings and pride have been wounded.

DAP leader Lim Kit Siang has rightly described the latest crack as the “second crisis of confidence”, with the first being PAS president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang’s attempt to hold unity talks with Umno.

The contentious issues that led to the split in Kedah are the demolition of an illegal pig abattoir and the 50% bumi quota for houses in the state.

The DAP and PAS have had a patchy relationship for a while as the secular party is aware that it would have to deal with personalities who make erratic statements in the name of religion.

They realised the need to work together with PKR leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim holding the glue, and the results were the extraordinary performance in the March 8 polls.

True colours

DAP leaders are also aware of the compromises they have made as a result of the alliance with PAS, who is bent on setting up an Islamic state.

Except for a few reformists who made the occasional speeches in churches, such as Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad, the reality is that the men in green will never change.

Even Khalid supported a resolution calling for the banning of Sisters in Islam, but then claimed it was wrongly worded. But the point is the resolution was never retracted. It was adopted and Hadi even defended the party’s right to make that call.

Popular as Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin may be with many Malaysians, that does not stop him from calling for an end to the use of English to teach Maths and Science.

To top it all, Hadi has now opposed the Prime Minister’s announcement to abolish the 30% equity requirements for companies seeking public listing.

He has cited the same, tired argument put up by those insisting on such a policy to be maintained by claiming that bumiputras are not ready to face many economic challenges.

But Hadi, playing the racial card, has chosen to forget the fishermen and farmers in Terengganu who would certainly not be the beneficiaries of these equity rules. His statement was intended to make Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak look bad in the rural heartland.

Najib’s decision, ahead of his 100 days in office, is bold and courageous. None of his predecessors dared to take this step despite being in office much longer than him.

The result was that Malaysia lost its attractiveness as a place for investment and with few companies seeking public listing now, even before the global financial crisis, the bumiputra equity has become irrelevant.

Najib’s decision is practical but it also demonstrates the level of leadership he has commanded in the party.

His decision has made Malaysia headline news around the world. I was in London last week when the Financial Times published a prominent article on the move.

I do not think Hadi does not understand the economic impact of Najib’s liberalisation policy. He is a clever man, even if his credentials are just on theology. But he has opted for political expediency at the expense of the country’s economy, and that is hardly divine.

Hadi’s attempt to abandon his Pakatan Rakyat partners, in the name of unity talks, must have shaken his DAP and PKR partners.

In the case of Kedah, the 50% bumi quota for houses will hurt both bumi and non-bumi developers, who will end up paying more for these additional allocations, even if one claims that the state is predominantly Malay.

In the March 8 polls, there were many non-Muslims who gave their votes to PAS, not because they supported the Islamist party but because they wanted to punish Barisan Nasional.

Many voters could not accept the arrogance of some Umno leaders and the corruption in the party.

A strong message was sent – we can no longer tolerate policies and practices that are perceived to be discriminating to non-Malays. They chose the elections to punish the Barisan, particularly Umno.

But as the saying goes, be careful what you wish for. It may be a case of deciding on the devil and the deep blue sea for some, but moderation and accommodation must not be ignored.

Umno leaders should not be overly worried about how the Malays feel about their policies as their concern should be the middle ground – the majority of Malaysians, regardless of their race, who will vote in the general election.

There’s little point in winning the party elections as communal champions, but then be wiped out in the general election.

It’s the voice of moderation and accommodation, as early Umno leaders like Tunku Abdul Rahman adopted and which made them revered until today, that works.

At the end of the day, the wishes of Malay­sians are simple. They want fairness, transparency, justice and accountability. These values transcend all races.

The last thing they want is a patchy federal or state government that is weak or in danger of collapsing any time because of ideological differences and the inability to forge a working relationship.

No solution in sight

By ZAINAH ANWAR

A bold attempt to resolve a protracted problem has yet again revealed the rifts among Malaysians in matters of religion.

The ongoing debate over the right of a convert to Islam to unilaterally convert his underage children underscores the importance of determining the public role of religion in a plural society like Malaysia.

The Cabinet recently made a courageous policy decision that when one party to a marriage converts to Islam, the minor children should be raised in the religion agreed upon by the parents at the time of marriage. This decisiveness will help to resolve an area of conflict over competing claims and interests that neither the individuals nor the courts have been able to resolve satisfactorily.

However, what was a bold attempt to resolve a protracted problem has yet again revealed the rifts among Malaysians in matters of religion. While the Cabinet decision was welcomed by non-Muslims, the Bar Council, the inter-faith Consultative Council (MCCBCHST), women’s and human rights groups and segments of the Muslim community, the advocates of Islamic state and syariah rule have opposed the decision.

Some of the Islamists felt that the issue was already decided by the December 2007 Federal Court decision, which ruled that only one parent’s consent was needed for the conversion of minor children. But in effect, this decision did not settle the matter as it did not address several questions of law.

The Court ignored Schedule 11 in the Consti­tution on interpretation which provides that “words in the singular include the plural, and words in the plural include the singular”. Thus the right of the “parent” to decide on the religion of children below 18 (Article 12 (4) ) should be read as the right of both parents.

Article 12 (4) must also be read with Article 8 (2), which prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, race, descent, place of birth or gender. Read together with the Guardian­ship of Infants Act, which recognises that both parents have equal right of guardianship to their children, a persuasive argument can be made that the consent of both parents is needed to change the religion of the children.

The Federal Court judgment was criticised for its failure to read laws holistically and the confusion it caused over jurisdiction. Even though it ruled that civil marriages could be dissolved only by the High Court, even if one party had converted to Islam, it also held that converts could go to the Syariah Court for relief. But any judgment from the Syariah Court has no effect on the High Court.

These issues and other constitutional matters on jurisdiction and conflict of law between civil and syariah will now be heard in an appeal before the Federal Court.

Think of the children

Another earlier Court decision awarding custody to the Hindu mother, while recognising the right of the father to convert the children to Islam, also left an untenable situation in real life. How do you stop exposing the child to the practice and teachings of the religion of his custodian who is his daily caregiver and protector?

What if custody is with the convert Muslim parent: Is it realistic to expect the Muslim parent to ensure that the child is brought up in the religion at the time of marriage? Should the Court be making orders that cannot be implemented in practice?

Perhaps the more important question to answer is what is in the best interest of the child. If the court decides that custody must be with the mother, then it is only realistic that the child can be brought up in the religion of the mother. To decide that the child must be converted to Islam and brought up as a Muslim, no matter what, does not serve the best interest of the child, nor reflect Islamic juristic principles on conversion and profession of faith among minors.

As many Muslim scholars have asserted, it is not necessary to convert children to Islam as they bear no responsibility for their sins or rewards until they are of sound mind.

Also, the Administration of Islamic Law Act states that for a valid conversion to Islam, the person must utter in reasonably intelligible Arabic the two clauses of affirmation of faith, and must be aware that the two clauses mean “I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and I bear witness that the Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. is the Messenger of Allah”. These two clauses must be uttered on his or her own free will. This means that for children under 18, a parent can only give consent to the conversion, and not convert them on their behalf.

What is clear is that at all levels, be it Consti­tutional, Islamic juristic principles, and lived realities, the solution to the conundrum can be found. But politics, ideology, and confusion between personal faith and public policy got in the way.

When conflicts arising out of conversion, freedom of religion, moral policing, women’s rights, and human rights are viewed only through the religious prism and therefore must be decided according to syariah law, it makes the search for solutions even more complicated.

Far too often, the argument that syariah principles represent “the will and command of God” has instilled fear and silenced discussion and debate.

In Malaysia, this narrow ideological approach is now being supported by a new interpretative trend urging the Courts to read Article 3(1) of the Federal Constitution, which states that Islam is the religion of the Federation, to mean that all laws must conform to syariah principles.

Even though Article 3(4) states that nothing in Article 3(1) derogates from any other provision of the Constitution, arguments are now being made in court to give Article 3(1) an expanded meaning without considering other Constitutional provisions that limit syariah jurisdiction, and in particular Article 4(1) which recognises the Constitution as the supreme law of the land.

This view is also propagated in public forums and lectures led by Islamic state ideologues. There are even those who publicly say the Constitution only applies to non-Muslims, while Muslims of this land are governed by syariah law.

Law reform needed

The Cabinet has displayed the political will to find a solution to the endless contestations arising from conversions. Given the public outcry and heart-wrenching distress caused to parents and children, what is urgently needed now is immediate law reform to restore the law to the status quo before these confusing and conflicting judgments were made.

There must be clarity in law and interpretation that non-Muslims should not be subjected to syariah jurisdiction, a child’s religion can only be changed with the consent of both parents, and that all matters pertaining to a civil marriage must be resolved in the civil court under civil law, even if one party has converted to Islam.

In the long run, what is perhaps needed is the submission of a White Paper to Parlia­ment that clearly addresses all the problems, complexities and competing interests on matters involving religion. The Government can then present its long-term solutions for debate on the proper role of religion in public life and as a source of public law and policy, and the framework and principles to be used to address the areas of conflict.

The renowned Sudanese legal scholar, Abdullahi An-Na’im, advocates that the use of syariah rules and principles to make laws must pass the test of “civic reason” and be subject to safeguards within the framework of constitutionalism, human rights and citizenship.

Similar frameworks are also advocated by other Muslim scholars, groups working on women’s rights in Islam, and by the newly launched Musawah, the Global Movement for Equality and Justice in the Muslim Family.

What this means is that there is a place for religion in public law and policy. But this right can only be realised within the framework of constitutional and democratic governance at home and international law abroad.

The challenge, as posed by An-Na’im, is for the advocates of Islamic laws and policies to support their proposals in free and open public debate by reasons that are accessible and convincing to citizens, regardless of their religious or other beliefs.

And those who disagree must also enjoy the public space to present their counter proposals on an equal footing, whether their arguments are based on a different set of syariah principles or from other religious, Constitutional or human rights perspectives.

In Malaysia, the public space for debate on matters of religion is expanding. The search for just solutions can only take place if we as citizens protect this space and consider the possibilities of equality and justice from multiple perspectives – religious, international human rights, constitutional and fundamental rights guarantees, and our lived realities. The use of syariah arguments for public law and policy must be grounded in the realities of modern day life in a democratic constitutional state, and a world linked by international law.

Whither or wither Pakatan Rakyat?

Paktan Rakyat reached its collective zenith at the March 2008 general election, when it won four new state governments plus federal territory Kuala Lumpur and retained Kelantan.

But since then the partnership has soured, as its bonds have been tested and found fraying from the edges to the core.

PAS has been at the forefront of much dismay, not for the first time and probably not for the last.

Led by party president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, it continues to seek “unity talks” with Barisan Nasional mainstay Umno.

Then at its recent 55th muktamar (assembly), it wanted to retain the 30% bumiputra quota and ban the Sisters in Islam advocacy group.

The latter resolution, tabled by a “party moderate”, was not even debated amid attempts to gag discussion of the unity talks.

Is this the way of discussion, dialogue and democracy?

After Hadi reportedly misled others into thinking the proposed unity talks had been agreed to by its Pakatan partners, it is not even seen as common decency.

Such questionable conduct, even before the party assumes power at federal level, has provoked disquiet among Pakatan ranks, Barisan circles and the general public.

To his credit, PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat has taken the likes of Hadi to task.

There was a time when even those who disagreed with PAS’ theocratic agenda could respect it for a principled consistency. But no more.

What kind of politics does it offer as a supposed alternative, if not a politics of integrity?

From all indications it is just an enlarged old politics of opportunism-at-any-cost, after the triumph of party ultras at its muktamar.

Malaysian voters as a whole, regardless of their political affiliations and sympathies, deserve a lot better.

When even the party’s spiritual leader has problems reining in these purveyors of a discredited politics, the party must be in dire need of spiritual rehabilitation.

PAS has the largest membership base of all the parties in Pakatan, but not the most Members of Parliament.

Given its utter disregard for its Pakatan partners and everyone else, perhaps this democratic detail does not count for much in its idea of governance.

PKR after reforms

Parti Keadilan Raykat (PKR) will hold a special congress tomorrow to approve its widescale proposed reforms, which, among others, will propose the direct election of its president and limit the term of the party presidency.

The reforms are likely to be approved by some 2,000 delegates without much problem, and PKR will then be able to project itself as a more democratic and appealing party to grassroot members.

The question that lingers is the future of the party, which was established about 10 years ago following the sacking of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as deputy prime minister.

Political analysts are of the opinion that for the party to be viable, PKR will have to come up with long-term strategies, and not just amend the constitution to make the party more democratic.

"In order to be viable, they have to think of the reality of the party with or without Anwar," said Dr Oh Ei Sun.

He said PKR had to face the prospect of the party being without Anwar, its adviser, and ensure that changes were made to the current situation where most of the power would be centred on Anwar's wife Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, being president.

"Even with the existing provisions in the party, with the party president being elected by the delegates, Anwar is still effectively running the party. Therefore, a new round of reforms will only be meaningful if the party walks the talk," he said.

Apart from amending the party constitution to allow more democratic changes, Oh said the party also needed to decide on a clear definition for Anwar's role in the party, either limiting it to the advisory role or allowing him to effectively run the party.

"Do they really practise it? Let say, if the party results are not to the liking of party leaders, how would the results be received and implemented?" Oh cited the recently concluded PAS election as a clear example.

For political analyst James Wong, what is important is for PKR to take more steps to institutionalise the party rather than continue with the current personality-based approach.

"You have to do it, otherwise you won't survive. You must remember that Anwar's sodomy trial is coming up next month. You cannot be depending on one or two personalities to survive," he said.

Wong said now was the right time for PKR to be institutionalised in order for the party to move forward with or without Anwar.

Another analyst, Khoo Kay Peng, however felt that the notion that the party was solely based on Anwar was not accurate.

He said in last year's general election, the party mostly adopted a stand based on issues, not on personality issues involving Anwar.

However, there was no doubt that the party is not out of Anwar's shadow yet, he said.

"What the party actually needs in future is to groom a group of leaders as the party is growing bigger and cannot be dominated by any particular person. At the same time, [it needs to] be selective in its candidates for the next general election.

"If they don't groom a team, they will find it difficult to find another person to replace him (Anwar). They need to work and strengthen who is in power, instititionalise and build a more permanent committee," he said.

However, for PKR strategic director Tian Chua, the amendments to the party constitution tomorrow already show that the party is moving towards creating being movement-oriented and modern, with progressive and democratic values as well as reform programmes.

"This is the process to build a modern political institution for good governance," he said.

- BERNAMA

Time for a major overhaul

DIPLOMATICALLY SPEAKING
By DENNIS IGNATIUS
Datuk Dennis Ignatius is a 36-year veteran of the Malaysian foreign service. He has served in Britain, China, the United States, Chile and Argentina. He retired as High Commissioner for Malaysia to Canada in June 2008.

It’s about time Wisma Putra took stock of the malaise inflicting the ministry in order to forge ahead in safeguarding and promoting our national interests abroad.

Wisma Putra has been getting some attention in the local press; unfortunately, it is mostly negative. Some of the comments have been petty while others raise important questions. Foreign Minister Datuk Anifah Aman’s statement that he is open to criticism is a good beginning.

The trouble is we have been on autopilot for too long. We tend to nostalgically look back to the days of the great men of Wisma Putra like Tan Sri Zainal Sulong, Tan Sri Razali Ismail, Datuk Bertie Talalla, Tan Sri Lim Teik Choon and the likes, but do little to prepare the next generation of great ambassadors.

However, the unhappy state of affairs in Wisma Putra must not be seen in isolation. If anything, it is emblematic of a wider malaise.

Take the low level of English language proficiency in the ministry. It is indeed a serious problem but why blame Wisma Putra for the failure of our education system to turn out graduates with at least a decent standard of English? Wisma Putra also does not have complete control over the recruitment process. There is fierce competition among ministries for those who are considered good; the mediocre and the inept are distributed indifferently throughout the civil service. Again, don’t blame Wisma Putra if there are mediocre officers; it has to make do with what it gets.

And then there is the system of promotions, which is in shambles. Despite the emphasis on performance, seniority still rules, and riles. Unfortunately, we have not yet found a fair and equitable system of accurately assessing performance, so personalities come into play.

There is a reluctance too within Wisma Putra, and the entire civil service system for that matter, to penalise the non-performers or those who have been guilty of serious misconduct.

Worse still, good officers (and there are many) are often not given recognition and avenues for advancement. Many talented and capable officers end up frustrated and disillusioned. The bureaucracy has a way of smothering enthusiasm and stifling creativity.

As well, an emphasis on ethnic preferences also means we are not always able to put the best person forward. Good officers languish for years in inconsequential assignments as a result.

Our Chief Secretary to the Government Tan Sri Sidek Hassan, one of the best we have had so far, has taken some bold initiatives to overcome these problems but it is an uphill battle to change the culture of the civil service. I hope he stays long enough to effect the kind of change the civil service needs.

Over the years, there has also been a breakdown in consensus regarding the role of our ambassadors. It used to be that the ambassador was invested with the authority to manage the overall relationship in the country he was accredited to. He was not expected to be an expert in everything (there were specialists and advisors for that); his role was to provide leadership to our overall representation and speak authoritatively on behalf of the government.

This is no longer the case. In-fighting among ministries, often rooted in rivalry amongst ministers themselves, has seriously weakened our representation abroad.

At times, our ambassadors are deliberately kept out of the loop because of petty inter-agency rivalries. And some of these agencies are poor performers as well, even though they have much bigger operational allocations. It is really hurting our effectiveness.

So yes, we need more effective and well rounded ambassadors but we also need to overhaul the very way we do business at home and abroad.

Given the present malaise at Wisma Putra, it is tempting to appoint politicians and officers from other ministries to helm our diplomatic missions. While they undoubtedly bring certain strengths to the job, they lack the exposure, experience and training to be truly effective ambassadors.

For that reason, most countries have learned that there is no substitute for a professional foreign service.

If Wisma Putra is to continue as the premier agency entrusted with safeguarding and promoting our national interests abroad, there has to be a major overhaul, organisationally as well as conceptually. The creation of a separate foreign service, distinct from the rest of the civil service, might have to be considered. There is too much at stake for half-measures.

Hopefully, our Foreign Minister will provide the leadership that is urgently needed to overhaul the ministry and inspire our officers to greatness again. The fact that this task now falls to a politician is itself a reflection of how much the civil service has changed but that is another story.

The upcoming heads of mission conference this month might provide the occasion to spark real discussion and debate on how to make Wisma Putra synonymous with all that is best and great about Malaysia. It is an opportunity that must not be missed.

No solution in sight

By ZAINAH ANWAR

A bold attempt to resolve a protracted problem has yet again revealed the rifts among Malaysians in matters of religion.

The ongoing debate over the right of a convert to Islam to unilaterally convert his underage children underscores the importance of determining the public role of religion in a plural society like Malaysia.

The Cabinet recently made a courageous policy decision that when one party to a marriage converts to Islam, the minor children should be raised in the religion agreed upon by the parents at the time of marriage. This decisiveness will help to resolve an area of conflict over competing claims and interests that neither the individuals nor the courts have been able to resolve satisfactorily.

However, what was a bold attempt to resolve a protracted problem has yet again revealed the rifts among Malaysians in matters of religion. While the Cabinet decision was welcomed by non-Muslims, the Bar Council, the inter-faith Consultative Council (MCCBCHST), women’s and human rights groups and segments of the Muslim community, the advocates of Islamic state and syariah rule have opposed the decision.

Some of the Islamists felt that the issue was already decided by the December 2007 Federal Court decision, which ruled that only one parent’s consent was needed for the conversion of minor children. But in effect, this decision did not settle the matter as it did not address several questions of law.

The Court ignored Schedule 11 in the Consti­tution on interpretation which provides that “words in the singular include the plural, and words in the plural include the singular”. Thus the right of the “parent” to decide on the religion of children below 18 (Article 12 (4) ) should be read as the right of both parents.

Article 12 (4) must also be read with Article 8 (2), which prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, race, descent, place of birth or gender. Read together with the Guardian­ship of Infants Act, which recognises that both parents have equal right of guardianship to their children, a persuasive argument can be made that the consent of both parents is needed to change the religion of the children.

The Federal Court judgment was criticised for its failure to read laws holistically and the confusion it caused over jurisdiction. Even though it ruled that civil marriages could be dissolved only by the High Court, even if one party had converted to Islam, it also held that converts could go to the Syariah Court for relief. But any judgment from the Syariah Court has no effect on the High Court.

These issues and other constitutional matters on jurisdiction and conflict of law between civil and syariah will now be heard in an appeal before the Federal Court.

Think of the children

Another earlier Court decision awarding custody to the Hindu mother, while recognising the right of the father to convert the children to Islam, also left an untenable situation in real life. How do you stop exposing the child to the practice and teachings of the religion of his custodian who is his daily caregiver and protector?

What if custody is with the convert Muslim parent: Is it realistic to expect the Muslim parent to ensure that the child is brought up in the religion at the time of marriage? Should the Court be making orders that cannot be implemented in practice?

Perhaps the more important question to answer is what is in the best interest of the child. If the court decides that custody must be with the mother, then it is only realistic that the child can be brought up in the religion of the mother. To decide that the child must be converted to Islam and brought up as a Muslim, no matter what, does not serve the best interest of the child, nor reflect Islamic juristic principles on conversion and profession of faith among minors.

As many Muslim scholars have asserted, it is not necessary to convert children to Islam as they bear no responsibility for their sins or rewards until they are of sound mind.

Also, the Administration of Islamic Law Act states that for a valid conversion to Islam, the person must utter in reasonably intelligible Arabic the two clauses of affirmation of faith, and must be aware that the two clauses mean “I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and I bear witness that the Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. is the Messenger of Allah”. These two clauses must be uttered on his or her own free will. This means that for children under 18, a parent can only give consent to the conversion, and not convert them on their behalf.

What is clear is that at all levels, be it Consti­tutional, Islamic juristic principles, and lived realities, the solution to the conundrum can be found. But politics, ideology, and confusion between personal faith and public policy got in the way.

When conflicts arising out of conversion, freedom of religion, moral policing, women’s rights, and human rights are viewed only through the religious prism and therefore must be decided according to syariah law, it makes the search for solutions even more complicated.

Far too often, the argument that syariah principles represent “the will and command of God” has instilled fear and silenced discussion and debate.

In Malaysia, this narrow ideological approach is now being supported by a new interpretative trend urging the Courts to read Article 3(1) of the Federal Constitution, which states that Islam is the religion of the Federation, to mean that all laws must conform to syariah principles.

Even though Article 3(4) states that nothing in Article 3(1) derogates from any other provision of the Constitution, arguments are now being made in court to give Article 3(1) an expanded meaning without considering other Constitutional provisions that limit syariah jurisdiction, and in particular Article 4(1) which recognises the Constitution as the supreme law of the land.

This view is also propagated in public forums and lectures led by Islamic state ideologues. There are even those who publicly say the Constitution only applies to non-Muslims, while Muslims of this land are governed by syariah law.

Law reform needed

The Cabinet has displayed the political will to find a solution to the endless contestations arising from conversions. Given the public outcry and heart-wrenching distress caused to parents and children, what is urgently needed now is immediate law reform to restore the law to the status quo before these confusing and conflicting judgments were made.

There must be clarity in law and interpretation that non-Muslims should not be subjected to syariah jurisdiction, a child’s religion can only be changed with the consent of both parents, and that all matters pertaining to a civil marriage must be resolved in the civil court under civil law, even if one party has converted to Islam.

In the long run, what is perhaps needed is the submission of a White Paper to Parlia­ment that clearly addresses all the problems, complexities and competing interests on matters involving religion. The Government can then present its long-term solutions for debate on the proper role of religion in public life and as a source of public law and policy, and the framework and principles to be used to address the areas of conflict.

The renowned Sudanese legal scholar, Abdullahi An-Na’im, advocates that the use of syariah rules and principles to make laws must pass the test of “civic reason” and be subject to safeguards within the framework of constitutionalism, human rights and citizenship.

Similar frameworks are also advocated by other Muslim scholars, groups working on women’s rights in Islam, and by the newly launched Musawah, the Global Movement for Equality and Justice in the Muslim Family.

What this means is that there is a place for religion in public law and policy. But this right can only be realised within the framework of constitutional and democratic governance at home and international law abroad.

The challenge, as posed by An-Na’im, is for the advocates of Islamic laws and policies to support their proposals in free and open public debate by reasons that are accessible and convincing to citizens, regardless of their religious or other beliefs.

And those who disagree must also enjoy the public space to present their counter proposals on an equal footing, whether their arguments are based on a different set of syariah principles or from other religious, Constitutional or human rights perspectives.

In Malaysia, the public space for debate on matters of religion is expanding. The search for just solutions can only take place if we as citizens protect this space and consider the possibilities of equality and justice from multiple perspectives – religious, international human rights, constitutional and fundamental rights guarantees, and our lived realities. The use of syariah arguments for public law and policy must be grounded in the realities of modern day life in a democratic constitutional state, and a world linked by international law.

Dr M - Blogs virtually expose the truth

The Internet, particularly blogs, could be useful for making the truth known, former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad said.

He said knowledge that could be accessed through the Internet was limitless, but like all things, its acquisition could be for good or evil.

“The blogs for example can be used to demonise people, scare them and create panic. The SMS (Short Message Service) can be used for similar purposes.

“But we know how useful they can be for making the truth known and for individuals to air their views and feelings freely,” he said in his speech at the launch of OSDC.MY and Open Source Industry Global Linkage here yesterday.

Dr Mahathir also expressed amazement at how whimsical and creative technology inventors could come up with names like Foxie, Ubuntu, GNU, Perl, Ruby, Phyton and Fedora.

“It’s amazing how they are able to relate to the mundane and the ordinary,” he said.

Citing the development of the telephone, Dr Mahathir said that the speed of progress in the information age was “mind-boggling”.

“I was told by some people a long time ago that when we use the Internet, whatever you do or write would be recorded in some far away places. There is no secrecy.

“Since the Government is using a lot of the Internet, it is frightening to think that some foreign persons would know all our so-called confidential records and correspondence,” he said.

- THE STAR

Commentary - It’s the way of democracy, within limits

The events surrounding the alternating identity of Perak’s Mentri Besar seem troubling, but the legal procedures are what our courts and Constitutions provide for.

Still, all partisanship aside, having to hold a state assembly in extended limbo can in no way be salutary.

Fleeting moments of triumph alternating with flashes of despondency for both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat may be grist to the news headline mill, but it is not how public service should perform or appear.

We only hope that the sum total of actions taken will seem more positive than negative.

Several colourful metaphors may apply, none of them complimentary: political ping-pong, pendulum, yo-yo, carousel, roller coaster, musical chairs.

This lawful but not-so-merry-go-round also risks a sense of the circus spectacle and a whiff of the stables about it.

After the High Court ruled on May 11 that Pakatan’s Datuk Seri Mohd Nizar Jamaluddin was the rightful Mentri Besar, Barisan appealed against the decision and a stay of its execution, only for Pakatan to counter-appeal against it. After BN won its appeal on Friday and reclaimed legitimacy, PR is appealing against that.

As a public watches in anything but indifference, any party to emerge unscathed from this episode is the judiciary. But any increased public interest in the workings of the bench scarcely makes up for the repeatedly frustrating swings in sentiment.

Involvement of the courts and the deliberations of the judges, in all their learned interpretations of law, hardly compensate for how both sides have been haggling over their perceived turf.

Apart from everything else, the de facto suspension of Perak’s governance cannot be good for the business of administration or the administration of business.

Yet when all is said and done, perhaps this is also how demo­cracy is supposed to be, given the contest of wills and interests. It is certainly less unsavoury than some interpretations of democracy elsewhere that have seen blood on the streets.

Nonetheless, comparing our lot with even less fortunate events is small consolation. All our elected representatives must do better and be seen to be achieving that, or else more than just a mentri besar’s post could be at stake.

- THE STAR

Struggle for the soul of UMNO

By KARIM RASLAN

Despite a spate of well-orchestrated walkabouts and some sensible government decision-making, many Malaysians – especially non-Malays – remain sceptical. Umno must go further and drastic changes are crucial if it wishes to govern beyond 2013.

The real political battle currently being waged in Malaysia is not between Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional. The real conflict is in fact within Umno, a struggle between different concepts of Malay identity and leadership - one being more narrow-minded and ex­clusive and the other, more open and plural.

Indeed, it is arguable that the same dynamic also exists in the current internal PAS polls as Malay nationalists and ultras within the movement seek to head off the ambitious centrists who have taken the Islamist party firmly into the mainstream with its “PAS for all” tagline.

PAS’ move to expand beyond the Malay heartlands has caught Umno on the defensive.

For many Umno ministers, the sight of local Chinese communities in Bukit Gantang proudly displaying PAS flags has brought home to them the extent of their missteps.

Certainly, Umno is in danger of becoming what PAS once was (and still is in much of Terengganu) - a shrill and extremist fringe Malay organisation that scares the non-Malays.

However, as I write, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak is veering in a direction that will win the approval and support of “Middle Malaysia”.

But this contest is by no means over because there are many within the ruling Umno elite who dislike the idea of an Umno that seeks to win the support of non-Malays rather than consolidating the Malay ground.

For them the idea of Malay unity and indeed Malay dominance stands above all else, thereby minimising the relevance and importance of other communities.

Needless to say, this is a backward and regressive political strategy and it rejects electoral realities on the ground.

Currently, only some 70 Peninsular Malaysian federal constituencies have Malay-Muslim majorities of over 66%. A further 44 have Malay-Muslim majorities of between 50 and 66% and are considered “mixed”. Finally, another 51 constituencies which are predominantly non-Malay.

In the March 2008 general election, the BN secured 25 of the mixed seats, 45 of the Malay seats and 15 of the non-Malay seats.

However, given the recent by-election results and if a general election was to be held today, the BN would see its non-Malay seats totally wiped out, the mixed seats reduced to under 10 and thus, delivering the power at the Federal level to Pakatan Rakyat.

Tactically, a push into “Middle Malaysia” would seem to offer the greatest potential for the BN to keep itself in government, especially since many of Sabah and Sarawak’s 55 parliamen­ta­ry seats share the same mixed demographic that has been an advantage to the Pakatan.

Najib deserves to be commended for two recent initiatives.

Firstly, to liberalize the Bumiputra equity requirements for certain service sectors and secondly, to prevent the unilateral religious conversion of children.

Both policies represent small steps in the right direction - returning Um­­no (and the Barisan Nasional) to the middle-ground.

They also remind us of the moderation and good sense that were once a hallmark of the great party of Merdeka.

However, before we get over-excited, we need to remind ourselves that a spate of well-orchestrated walkabouts and some sensible government decision-makings doesn’t mean that Umno has redeemed itself in the eyes of the public.

Many Malaysians - especially non-Malays - remain deeply sceptical.

Mere public relations are not enough to turn the tide.

Umno must go further and drastic changes are crucial if the party wishes to govern beyond 2013.

For a start, the warlords (the all-powerful division chiefs) have to be reined in.

The party must reform its internal elections before this skewered ap­­proach destroys the party itself via corruption.

Secondly, the party needs to connect with ordinary Malaysians (including Malays) most of whom are disgusted by the political rhetoric of Malay rights because they sense that it’s merely a pretext for self-enrichment.

Instead, they want decent (and impartial) government services, jobs, affordable homes and an education for their children.

And thirdly, the racist rhetoric must stop.

The party must re-acquaint itself with the more nuanced, multi-racial approach of the Merdeka-era.

These noble traditions exist within Umno.

Our first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman warned in his seminal memoirs Looking Back (which has sadly disappeared from local bookshelves) that Umno and the administration’s obsession with race would prove costly.

The Tunku wrote: “…there was too much emphasis being placed on bumiputeras, and not enough on Malaysians. Going about affairs this way makes it hard to instil Malaysian-mindedness in the hearts of the people. All the work being done to inspire patriotism among our poly­genous population is being eroded as a result of this wrong approach.”

Tun Dr Ismail, another party icon, also felt that the NEP, ought to have only been a passing stage in national development:

“The Malays want the government to restrict the business activities of the non-Malays while the Malays reach parity with them. If this philosophy is accepted, then the whole concept of Malay participation in a growing economy is replaced by a policy of Malay participation in a standstill economy.”

Umno has a noble tradition; the party still possesses the capacity to return to the moderation, tolerance and good governance of its founding fathers.

Moreover, winning back the centre represents a return to Umno’s past electoral glories.

The party must be more broad-based in order to win in 2013.

And yet as I watch and observe the struggle within PAS, I can see that Umno is not alone in undergoing these political squalls.

The entire Malay community is trying to find a new paradigm on all fronts.

The tussle for the soul of Umno is in fact a struggle for the political soul of the entire Malay community.

All for 1, one for all

By DZOF AZMI

1Malaysia is great in theory, but to achieve ‘one-ness’, there should be a clear goal and our leaders must show us the way to a better place.

There was a story in the newspapers last week of a woman in Langkawi who came back home to find her puppy missing. A neighbour had confronted her and told her that it had wandered into his house, so he had killed it. The lady was obviously upset, but said, “What they did was wrong but I understand why they did it. It’s the culture and religious beliefs.”

I’m not sure exactly what she meant by this, but I assumed she felt that some cultures and religions frown on having puppies gallop cheerfully through the living room. However, it seems to me the gap between loving and caring for a bounding puppy and strangling it to death with a wire noose is too wide for anyone to accept as being normal deviation

This was also in the same month the press was abuzz about 1Malaysia. It was interesting to note that the chat was more about what it was in the first place, than what its merits were. Unusually, instead of giving us a show-all, tell-all press circus from the outset, the Prime Minister has instead chosen to tease us by slowly revealing what he has in mind.

Our Prime Minister’s personal website is www.1malaysia.com.my (explicitly differentiated from one run by the government or a ministry), and he has a lot to say about the idea. 1Malaysia is composed of eight underlying principles, but up to this time, only five have been revealed.

They currently stand at “Culture of Excellence’’, “Perseverance’’, “Humility’’, “Acceptance’’ and “Loyalty’.

I’m going to focus especially on the fourth: “Acceptance’’. This is the only point that he has noted with policy implications. Firstly, he makes it clear that acceptance is not tolerance. Tolerance is something you have to accept because you have no choice, and he is talking about embracing something positively.

He means this in a racial sense. He wants to get “the best of the Malays ... of the Chinese ... of the Indians” in order to create something larger than the sum of its parts. He also touches on policy, for example by saying that “financial allocations must reflect the need across ... all racial and ethnic lines”, and that “limits are not set because of your ethnic background ... (but) because of your own personal ability”.

Although it is still a work in progress (a phrase I have often used for the state of our nation), there are a few things that strike you immediately about 1Malaysia. First, they are all principles that are so general that I think everybody can accept them at face value. This works both ways: you have universal acceptance, but because they can be interpreted subjectively, people may not implement them in the same way or to the same end.

The second thing is that they describe an approach rather than a target or goal. It doesn’t really say anything about where we are heading, but it tries to put in place how we get there.

The principle of acceptance is in keeping with the Prime Minister’s idea to “break away from operating in the ethnic prism”. Will we see a day when all Malaysians are treated in the same way, to the same laws, regardless of race, colour or creed? Or, as some newspaper editorials have suggested, does the concept of 1Malaysia imply unity but does not undermine Article 153 of the Federal Constitution on Malay rights?

Maybe it’s just an opportunity to throw fresh light on an old topic. There are issues of unity that go beyond official government policy. I think there are attitudes ingrained in us as to what it means to be a race as opposed to a nation.

For example, I have explicitly been told that it is not wise to make Malay TV shows that have non-Malays in them because Malay viewers don’t want to watch non-Malay actors. On top of that, they don’t even want to hear non-Bahasa Malaysia languages, because they will change channels as soon as it happens. They even have statistics to support this.

As a result we have shows with wholesome Malay casts speaking nothing but Bahasa Malaysia that cater for exclusively Malay markets – because that is what the public wants.

But why should we accept this as a status quo? Why shouldn’t we push the boundaries and reach beyond ourselves? As I wrote last year in an article titled A ghostly glimmer of hope, I have worked for a show that had a mixed race cast, crew and writers. It wasn’t because it would be good for the ratings or because we had a policy to do so, but because the producer was trying to source the best Malaysian talent available to him. I would like to think it paid off because the ratings last year were so good that they commissioned a second season.

You lead not by following what others say you should do, but by breaking the mould and pointing to a new direction. 1Malaysia is not enough to change the country without leaders who know how to show the way. It must be done with conviction and inspiration so we become better in spite of ourselves. We want leaders who take a stand, even if it is unpopular, because it will take us to a better place. We want leaders who inspire and unite our citizens. We want leaders who know how to get the best use of the people they lead, whoever they are.

Live as one country, love as one nation, regardless of race, colour, creed – or species, even.

- THE STAR

The X-factor in government

By JOCELINE TAN

The former Premier will be a factor in the new administration but those who think that Tun Dr mahathir Mohamad is out to undermine Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak do not understand the dynamics between them.

TUN Dr Mahathir Mohamad is back in the loop.

The invitations are flowing in again, his remarks are widely reported and a staggering 18 million visitors have been to his blog which he started only last May.

He caused a stir when he insisted that Umno should contest the Penanti by-election.

On Thursday, his view that a couple of politicians were not fit to be in the Cabinet was the talk of the town.

His remark about “friends of the foreign media” was another ouch! moment for those implicated. Those who had bitten the chilli felt the heat and complained that Dr Mahathir was at it again.

Actually, he is not at it again because he had never stopped. But for quite a while, what he said did not make it into the mainstream media, so it seemed as though he had been quiet.

Talking, as he had once said tongue-in-cheek, is his stock in trade.

The adulation that greeted his surprise appearance at Umno general assembly marked his return to the political mainstream. He was still a non-Umno member at that point yet he was feted like a returning hero.

“To me, he is one in a trillion. Now the party is complete,” said Tanjong Malay Association president Fadzil Shuib who had asked Dr Mahathir to speak at his AGM when people were still shying away.

There is a huge crowd out there who loves him and there are also those who love to hate him.

All this has led to talk of the return of Mahathirism which, for some, harks back to a more controlled style of politics and administration, or what political scientists know as guided democracy.

Dr Mahathir’s 22 years in power gave rise to a definite political culture and mode of governance. Some hanker for it, others are glad to have moved on.

But said Mahathir admirer Zakhir Mohamed: “People who treat Mahathirism as some sort of bogey are talking rubbish. To me, Mahathirism was about policies like Look East, Vision 2020, privatisation and Malaysia Inc. It was about big ideas and projects, bold decision-making, and the public and private sectors working to achieve economic growth.”

It is quite ridiculous to think that Najib would even think of trying to replicate Dr Mahathir’s political style.

Najib has been in politics 33 years and his first month in office has shown that he does not wish to repeat the mistakes of his predecessors nor will he ignore the good that has come out of their administration.

Dr Mahathir has said that he would not mind dispensing advice if invited. He knows that unsolicited advice can be taken as well as disregarded.

But the aura of the man is such that even if he is merely expressing his personal views in his blog, it is seen as no less than advice.

But he does not envisage a formal role and has said he is not interested in becoming Senior Minister or Minister Mentor as in the case of Singapore. He is shrewd enough to know that Malaysian politics is much more real and fluid than in Singapore and that it would not be accepted here.

There is a certain dynamics between the two men. They are not exactly friends, their age gap is too wide for that. Nor do they fall neatly into the mentor and mentee category.

However, there is genuine mutual regard and feeling for each other, maybe more so on the part of the younger man given that he is just starting out in a post that the elder man had been so unparalleled at.

Dr Mahathir had flown back from London so that he would be there to see Najib take his oath of office before the Agong. He sat stoney-faced through the formal ceremony but once the formalities were over, he beamed like a proud father. Some joked it was only then that the ever sceptical Dr Mahathir was convinced the power transition had happened.

Dr Mahathir’s sense of pride at Najib’s elevation was best demonstrated the next day when the former Premier, Tun Dr Siti Hasmah Mohd Ali and their three sons and spouses arrived at the Prime Minister’s residence for brunch.

That was Significant Gesture No. 1 – Dr Mahathir was calling on the new Prime Minister. It was his way of saying that Najib had his blessing. Najib was waiting on the porch to greet Dr Mahathir. They shook hands, then Najib, taller by half a head, bent down to kiss Dr Mahathir on the cheek.

Then, to everyone’s amazement, Dr Mahathir held Najib’s head with one hand and kissed him back on the cheek.

These were not air kisses but lip-to-cheek contact. That was Significant Gesture No. 2 because as everyone knows, Dr Mahathir is not touchy-feely when it comes to non-family members. When he was Premier, he was notorious for pulling back his hand when politicians tried to kiss it.

The two families had a leisurely brunch, then Najib showed Dr Mahathir around the grounds. The highlight of the get-together was, of course, Dr Mahathir rejoining Umno. That he chose to hand in his application form the day after Najib became Prime Minister was Significant Gesture No. 3.

It was also a form of closure for Dr Mahathir after battling Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the key personalities around him the last four years.

There was also a poignancy to the moment. Dr Mahathir had left Umno twice. The first time he was expelled and, the second, in protest against Abdullah. Back then, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein had brought him back to Umno and now it was Razak’s son. These are bonds which cannot be underestimated.

Najib, said a political insider, is aware that Dr Mahathir supports him but, like a father figure, will not always praise him. Credit will come when it is due.

“I don’t think Tun expects Datuk Seri Najib to follow everything he says. He would want Najib to be his own man,” said the insider.

He did not hesitate to defend Najib recently when he slammed what he perceived as an orchestrated demonisation of Najib in the foreign media.

Prior to the Umno leadership transition being brought forward, Dr Mahathir had been frustrated and angry over Najib’s refusal to push Abdullah off the stage and had called him names to that effect.

But Najib did not lash back unlike some Umno politicians who were jumping on the bandwagon to criticise the elder man.

“He sees Dr Mahathir as an asset. His experience and world view is something money cannot buy and the PM would want to tap into that when needed. Even if there is disagreement, I can see the PM disagreeing without being rude or making Tun Mahathir feel hurt or sidelined,” said the political insider.

Najib’s deft touch in navigating the touchy ties between the two Tuns was evident in his winding-up speech at the Umno general assembly.

He paid a heartfelt tribute to the outgoing Prime Minister as the former Premier watched on from the gallery seat above. Then glancing up at Dr Mahathir, he said he was confident that Dr Mahathir in his heart of hearts had never really left Umno.

He said he aspired to stand alongside the two statesman but admitted with a smile that any meeting of hearts between the two men would take a while.

“I don’t see Datuk Seri Najib walking in anyone’s shadow. Tun Mahathir will give his views but the PM will not swallow everything and he will not be kurang ajar because he has too much respect for Tun,” said Juhaidi Yean Abdullah, a former ministerial aide and now a full-time restaurateur.

Dr Mahathir will remain a big factor to the new administration not because of the shadow of Mahathirism but simply because when he speaks, people listen. He is still a powerful voice.

The former Premier’s problems with Dr Mahathir had partly to do with the people surrounding him. Najib’s boon is that a large number of the people and staff around him are partial to Dr Mahathir.

This buffer group will help ensure that relations with the country’s No. 1 political icon stay as smooth as possible.

But the bottom line is that Najib is a polished politician and that will dictate his relationships with party elders like Dr Mahathir.

- THE STAR

UMNO State Leader - Top generals to the fore

BY JOCELINE TAN

The naming of new Umno leaders in several states is a sign of how serious party president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak is about Barisan Nasional regaining power in these states.

Political careers in Umno ended for some and began for others last evening when Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak unveiled sweeping changes in several states.

It was the Umno president’s move to put his team in place in the states, thus completing the final stage of political changes since taking over as Prime Minister.

His priority was states that are now under the Pakatan Rakyat. He wants to regain power in these states so he has to have clear figures of authority in charge of the party there.

Najib, as some noted, broke with Umno tradition and for the first time, employed the party’s top five as chiefs in the problematic states.

He also wanted a more collective form of responsibility in getting Umno back on its feet in these states.

The president himself took over in Selangor, an indication of how serious he is about regaining this golden state.

Federal Territory, where Barisan Nasional was trounced in 10 out of 13 parliamentary seats during the last general election, is now under no less a figure than deputy president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.

Vice-presidents Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal and Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein have taken charge of Penang, Kedah and Terengganu respectively.

One senior journalist coined it as “political receivership”.

All existing state government heads, even those who lost in the Umno elections, survived including Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam who was barred from contesting the Umno No 2 post after being found guilty of money politics.

Najib kept his word to retain Mohd Ali as Malacca Chief Minister.

The glaring exception was Mentri Besar Datuk Ahmad Said who has been demoted to deputy Umno chairman in Terengganu under Hishammuddin.

A huge question mark now hangs over Ahmad’s position as mentri besar. The rebellion in the ranks against him had put him on shaky ground. Now, he may even be in quicksand.

Zahid’s appointment in Penang was also a classic sleight of hand. Many had wondered how Najib would handle the fact that Abdullah was the incumbent state Umno chief.

Apparently, Abdullah had little interest in holding on to the post. On the other hand, Zahid would have no problem with Abdullah and the people loyal to the former prime minister given that Abdullah had thought well enough of Zahid to ask him to contest the deputy president post in the Umno polls.

In Perlis, Datuk Isa Sabu, who replaced Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim as Mentri Besar, has also taken over the state Umno leadership. With this, Shahidan’s days as a powerful Perlis warlord has come to an end.

Najib who took over the Umno leadership in Perak after it fell to the Barisan, relinquished the post to Mentri Besar Datuk Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir.

Perak Umno is notorious for its powerful warlords who do not take orders from just anyone. Making Dr Zambry the Umno chief will hopefully lend him political clout over these people.

Najib’s decision on the party’s key offices – secretary-general, treasurer and information chief – also sends out several kinds of signals.

His appointment of Datuk Seri Husni Hanadzlah as the new Umno treasurer is the clearest sign yet that honest politicians have a place in Umno’s hierarchy. Husni, who is also Finance Minister II and a diligent and modest man, ran one of the cleanest campaigns in the recent Umno elections.

The appointment of Pontian MP Datuk Ahmad Mazlan, 43, as the new information chief was a surprise but Najib obviously wants someone young and energetic who can handle the new media and younger generation of Malays. He is also a staunch Najib loyalist.

Datuk Tengku Adnan Mansor was widely expected to keep his secretary-general job. He is seen as a party man who has carried out his duties diligently.

The changes reflect Najib’s political style – meticulous, well thought out and strategic. His political and administrative machinery is complete and it should be all systems go from here on.

- THE STAR

Commentary - Nothing escapes us Netizen

By KARIM RASLAN

In more mature markets, the newspapers are the forum for debate and analysis, while the Internet is the news hub, churning out updates.

There are two competing forces at work in our public life and, as anticipated, the contest between these two world views will come to dominate the Datuk Seri Na­­jib Tun Razak administration’s ap­­proach to the media, and indeed the entire civil liberties agenda.

On the one hand there is the carefully-managed world of the mainstream media. This approach reaches back to a long-held conviction among the Malaysian political establishment that the media should serve and indeed promote “national interests”.

Needless to say, this is a top-down and elitist approach. Furthermore, it reveals an underlying distrust and/or disregard for public sentiment and popular opinion.

At its simplest, it’s just another way of saying “we must lead because the people know no better”.

However, this viewpoint has been challenged both by the revolutionary changes in information technology as well as the population’s higher levels of education and exposure.

For many, including myself, “deve­lop­­mental journalism” is a highly questionable idea since it leads us into an intellectual cul-de-sac, a media deadend – in short, an environment where we are forced to swallow wholesale ministerial statements.

It also returns us to the situation at the height of the Mahathir era when the public was forced to read between the lines to figure out what was really going on in our country.

Similarly, “responsible reporting” as interpreted by our leaders also leaves most readers unconvinced, irritated and yearning for more.

So what happens? Well it’s straight-forward enough.

Instead of being satisfied, most of us are prompted to reach for the ubiquitous Internet to verify and double-check what we’ve just read.

For example, while I am relieved to discover that frequent by-elections are a “frightful” waste of money, I’m also perplexed and troubled by the near-total absence of contrarian views.

In this respect I have to thank former prime minister Datuk Seri (now Tun) Dr Mahathir Mohamad for demolishing the argument with his characteristic bluntness.

However, as a citizen and a reader, I expect the news media to give choices (the pros and cons) so that I can make up my own mind.

Increasingly, in more mature me­­dia markets such as Europe and Ame­rica, the newspapers have become the forum for debate and analysis while the Internet has evolved into a news hub, churning out a stream of updates.

Which leads me very neatly to the crazy alternative to our mild-mannered and domesticated mainstream media, namely, the rambunctious and chaotic World Wide Web.

The Internet is democracy gone wild. It is unregulated and can, in certain instances, verge on the wholly insane.

Whatever the case, the user/consumer has to make his or her individual value judgments, hopefully dis­­­carding the feeble and ludicrous in favour of the genuine and sensible.

However, the “Wild Wild West” of news and views where fiction becomes fact and mere speculation the touchstone for the truth is strengthened by the continued government influence on the mainstream media.

Every so-called, discreet call to an editor from Putrajaya extracts a heavy toll on the public’s confidence in the mainstream media, sending people scurrying back to the Inter­net.

There is an important additional point to make here.

In the past people would have had to check the Internet on their desktop computers.

In physical terms it meant that we’d be unable to verify the news with alternative sources until we’d reached our desks and switched on our computers.

Now, with technology’s extraordinary advances, we can immediately counter-check what we read in the newspapers through our own WAP-enabled and/or Internet-ready hand-held devices.

Indeed, these devices are so heavily promoted that virtually all consumers know and want these products – such as Blackberries and iPhones. At the same time and for a lot of younger people the ritual of reading a newspaper in the morning has been supplanted by a quick scan through the media alerts and favourite websites.

Furthermore there’s an additional, interesting factoid about young voters.

It is estimated that the Internet penetration of Malaysian 18-21-year-olds is in the region of 70%-80%. This means that the vast majority of new and soon-to-be voters are highly familiar with alternatives to newspapers and TV.

Indeed, it’s arguable that for this sought-after section of the voting pu­­­­­blic, the alternative media may well have become the “mainstream”.

However, all is not lost and the alternative media still plays an important role in shaping and galvanising public opinion.

Indeed the growing fluency of Malaysians in various languages – most of us are bilingual if not tri- or quadri-lingual – means that what someone says in one language will be read across the nation within nanoseconds.

What does this mean? Well, as Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yasin discovered to his chagrin, an interview in the Malay-language daily Utusan gets picked up, analysed and critiqued by Malaysians of all persuasions.

In short, there are no “racial and linguistic silos” left and Malaysian leaders have to come to terms with the increasing openness of the media landscape, especially if they wish to win middle-of-the-road, middle-class Malaysians or all races, most of whom feel uncomfortable with language that is disrespectful to one community or another.

Whatever happens in the tussle between the conflicting views about civil liberties, we have to thank information technology for breaking down the barriers between the rulers and the ruled.

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, you may sit in your palaces and official residences but rest assured we’re watching and judging your every moves on our computer screens, our iPhones, our Nokias and Blackber­ries.

Nothing escapes us – the people of Malaysia – and nothing is sacred.

- THE STAR

BN afraid of bigger loss, say PKR and PAS

PKR says that the possibility that Barisan Nasional may not field a candidate in Penanti shows that it is afraid of losing with a bigger majority.

Its deputy president, Dr Syed Hussin Ali, said Barisan knew that it would lose with a bigger majority if it placed a candidate in Penanti but it had now changed tactics and called it a sheer waste of public funds.

“People are for change and it goes to show that Barisan has no confidence because it is aware that the people will vote them out,” he said.

On Saturday, Barisan Nasional chairman Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak was reported as saying that a decision to skip the by-election would only be made after the Umno and Barisan supreme councils meet at the end of the month.

In Alor Setar, Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Azizan Abdul Razak claimed the Barisan Nasional was afraid to contest because they feared losing to Pakatan Rakyat again.

He said Barisan might have realised that Penanti was a PAS and PKR stronghold, making it harder for them to penetrate.

In Muar, PAS Youth chief Salahuddin Ayub said Barisan leaders had had enough of challenging the Opposition in by-elections and wanted to avoid another loss.

At a gathering with PAS supporters in Bakri at Kampung Jeram on Saturday, Salahuddin refuted allegations by Barisan leaders that the by-election was a Pakatan political ploy and that Penanti assemblyman Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin had been asked to resign.

- THE STAR

Be leaders of all Malaysians

By WONG CHUN WAI

Barisan Nasional can win back the people if its elected representatives are humble, credible and become champions of fair play, justice and transparency.

The 1Malaysia concept being promoted by Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak may mean different things to different people but the bottom line is simple – the Prime Minister wants a sense of one people and one nation.

He is not keen to set up think-tanks comprising academicians to draw up lofty ideals on what this concept is about.

He wants the idea to evolve and to take shape as the concept is promoted, more importantly, practised and not just remain a slogan for a leader who has just taken office and wants to be seen to be popular.

Over the past two weeks, he has been asked at almost every press briefing what 1Malaysia really means.

Malay nationalist groups are worried that it would be like the Malaysian Malaysia concept mooted by the DAP while some non-Malay groups have cynically dismissed it as unworkable in Malaysia. Chinese newspaper editors have grappled with translating the term, which comes with a numeral. They have loosely described it as “a Malaysia for all”.

Every noble idea must be given a chance to grow. Najib means well and he understands that something new would need time to be explained and accepted.

He has softened the fears of right-wing Malay groups by saying that no ethnic group should be marginalised and also stressed that while affirmative action would remain, it must be implemented fairly.

He has continuously used one example at every discussion with editors – award of scholarships to top students. No applicant should be deprived because of his or her ethnicity. He made it a point to the 1Malaysia concept at his first Cabinet meeting, saying the nation should rise above race and work together as a nation.

Double talk

Najib is serious in reaching out to all. His 1Malaysia website now has a Chinese version and moves are being made to include a Tamil one as well.

Interestingly, his son who is pursuing studies in Georgetown University in the US is studying Chinese and has a Shanghainese as a roommate.

There’s no denying that racial differences have gnawed the nation and politicians must take much of the blame.

For 1Malaysia to work, our politicians, including ministers, need to exercise plenty of self-restraint.

They cannot spew racist remarks to become champions of their races, and then talk about national unity.

The days of talking to different audiences and expecting such double talk not to reach the ears of other communities are over.

Words like “kita memberi amaran” (we warn) and “kita tidak akan kompromi” (we will not compromise) must be taken off the speeches and remarks of our leaders. In short, they should be banned.

The bosses of TV stations should remind their reporters and presenters not to use “orang kita” (our own people) when they speak, seemingly oblivious to the fact that all races watch their programmes.

Similarly, it is disturbing when a national newspaper uses a provocative front-page headline like “Bangkitlah Melayu” (Malays arise) and in the same breath, call for national unity and carry a picture of the PM joining Sikhs in making chapati during the Vasakhi celebrations.

While English language newspapers have taken a more guarded role in their reporting as their readership is multi-racial, there is a need for vernacular newspapers to take off racial prisms.

Sometimes, the inability to find an appropriate translation or use of a quote without looking out of context can lead to emotional debates with racial tones. The printed version can never reflect the tone used by the speaker and often, it conjures a different, if not inaccurate perspective.

Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin found himself in such a spot last week when he was talking about the voting trend of the Chinese in the two by-elections.

Lost in translation

His remark “seolah olah tidak menghargai” was translated differently – “ungrateful”, “unappreciated” and “not reciprocated” by different Chinese newspapers.

The Deputy Prime Minister, who has a clean record for making moderate statements, took the trouble to spend an hour with Chinese newspaper editors to explain the context.

They, in turn, expressed their views on the report and the sentiments of the community.

Both Najib and Muhyiddin have pleaded for a chance. They have hardly been in office for two weeks.

The PM has just chaired his first Cabinet meeting and most of the ministers are now attending daily briefings to learn more about their res­pective ministries and their scope of duties. It is still very early days of the Najib Administration and Malaysians certainly want him to succeed.

No one expects overnight changes but the PM is aware of the expectations. He knows the heavy responsibility and that time is running against him. He understands that the old methods don’t work but at the same time, he also needs to convince the hardened grassroots leaders, set in their own mindsets, that he cannot fall back on outdated approaches to win back the hearts and minds of the new Malay­sians.

The wishes of most Malaysians are simple. They are merely asking for fair play, justice and transparency in the government. They want their representatives to be down to earth and credible.

It isn’t so hard for the Barisan to win back the votes if they can just carry out these simple requests. More importantly, they should be leaders of all Malaysians, not just of their own communities.

- THE STAR

Commentary - What’s the real reason behind by-elections?

There is politics, and there is politicking over politics. Apparently, the latest example of this is the prospective Penanti by-election.

Parti Keadilan Rakyat is keen on a by-election, after its parliamentarian and former Penang deputy chief minister I Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin resigned.

But there could be an emerging consensus in both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat that habitual by-elections is not the best way forward.

The country seems to be weighed down by a recent spate of by-elections.

Apart from the cost and effort, by-election fatigue could be building up among the electorate which cannot be good, not least for the democratic spirit of free choice exercised eagerly.

Besides, for the Penanti seat to be vacated by a PKR candidate suggests the favourite might be another PKR candidate.

When that happens and he wins, the PR spin would be that Barisan had indeed lost its edge for good.

That ploy is practically certain, given recent experience.

When the Batang Ai, Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau by-election results came in, PR’s 2-1 score over Barisan merely reflected the pre-by-election status quo, but pro-Opposition stalwarts insisted it was a nationwide move towards PR.

Then, even when they were held just three days before Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak ascended to the premiership, the results were interpreted as a vote against Barisan, indeed as a referendum against Najib.

Even if by-elections are necessarily a referendum on the federal government, which is doubtful, a space of just 72 hours is ludicrously short for appraising a new premier.

PKR may want to continue with its by-election mania, but its DAP and PAS stablemates may not agree.

Whether or not the majority of people in Penanti look forward to a by-election is also doubtful.

What is certain is that PKR should look inwards to see why some of its senior members have had to vacate their seats.

Whe­ther it is corruption, or simply investigations into such allegations, troubling question marks hover over the integrity of these individuals.

Perhaps the need to divert public attention is what drives the quest for by-elections.

What else would explain it, instead of spending limited resources on meeting the people’s needs?

- THE STAR

Commentary - Not the dream team but it’ll do

By JOCELINE TAN

It was not exactly a dream team but new Umno president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak did get a group that he can confidently depend on to help him face the challenges ahead.

UMNO president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak did not get the dream team that he would have wanted but neither was it a “nightmare team”.

He got the deputy of his choice and three vice-presidents (VPs) who go back a long way with him and whom he can trust.

Najib had dropped so many hints about Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as his preferred deputy president that the delegates at the party general assembly would have been delinquent not to vote for the Johor politician.

After the mixed bag of results at the level of the three wings, some were worried that Najib would end up with a team that would be more baggage than benefit to him in his mission to rebuild Umno and regain lost ground.

Muhyiddin, who has an im­­­pressive track-record as a politician and administrator, is someone who can assist him from the word go.

He won convincingly with 1,575 votes against Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib.

Muhyiddin had struggled throughout the contest because he did not play the money game.
(From left) Hishammuddin, Ahmad Zahid, Muhyiddin and Shafie raising their hands in triumph after the results of the elections were announced Thursday night.

At one point, there was even talk that his “stinginess” would cost him the post.

But good sense prevailed in the end and the delegates did the right thing.

It is likely the delegates to the main assembly, who are more mature and connected to Umno, could also foresee doomsday for Umno in the next general election if they did not give their new president a good No 2 and a solid team.

Najib should also have no problems with the three VPs — Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein and Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal.

They won with 1,552, 1,515 an 1,445 votes respectively, suggesting that there was an eleventh hour move to ensure that the “president’s men” would win.

Zahid goes back all the way to Najib’s days as the Youth chief. Zahid has sometimes been unpredictable in his actions but he has always taken instructions from Najib. In October, he offered himself for the deputy president post, got a tongue-lashing from Najib and dutifully pulled out of the contest.

Hishammuddin’s election as a VP means that Umno now has the sons of two former Prime Ministers in its top leadership.

The Education Minister, who is also Najib’s cousin, had also struggled to keep abreast in the race be­­cause he was not spending money.

Moreover, he was competing against two other fellow Johoreans but the best man won in the end.

The former Youth chief has to credit Khairy Jamaluddin to some extent for his win because the new Youth chief had made a rousing victory speech asking the Youth delegates attending the general assembly to support Hishammuddin.

It was an important endorsement because Khairy was thought to be backing the other Johor candidate Datuk Seri Khaled Nordin.

The other VP is Sabahan Shafie. His election is a signal that Umno values the support of Sabah. Had the Sabah MPs jumped ship last year, the Barisan Nasional might have fallen.

Shafie has also been a staunch loyalist of Najib since the latter’s Youth leader days.

But the president’s menu stopped at the supreme council line-up which saw a mixed bag of names winning and some big guns tumbling out.

But as some pointed out, Umno like any other political party, is made up of the good, the bad and the ugly, and it is only natural that the supreme council line-up is not the “perfect list” that some would have preferred.

One of the priorities of the new president would be to initiate reform in the voting system to check money politics.

He hinted at it in a speech on Tuesday and it could come sooner than expected because the joke among Umno circles the last few days was that even if an angel had descended from heaven to contest the party elections, it would have lost if it did not indulge in some money politics.

- THE STAR

Media freedom should not be constrained

By TAN KENG LIANG
Youth Chief PGRM KedahVice Chairman PGRM Kedah

We refer to the recent 3 months suspension on the newspaper Harakah and Suara Keadilan.

We are of the view that our country need to seriously consider amendments to the Printing Presses & Publication Act 1984 (“the Act”) so as not to affect the “media freedom” in our country. There are sufficient civil laws in our country which provides for recourse against defamatory statements, such as award of damages or injunctions against the publisher.

Article 7 of the Act

If the Minister is satisfied that any publication contains any article, caricature, photograph, report, notes, writing, sound, music, statement or any other thing which is in any manner prejudicial to or likely to be prejudicial to public order, morality, security, the relationship with any foreign country or government, or which is or is likely to be contrary to any law or is otherwise prejudicial to or is likely to be prejudicial to public interest or national interest, he may in his absolute discretion by order published in the Gazette prohibit, either absolutely or subject to such conditions as may be prescribed, the printing, importation, production, reproduction, publishing, sale, issue, circulation, distribution or possession of that publication

The wordings, in particular Article 7 of the Act is too wide in its definition and is widely viewed as the source of erosion of “media freedom” in our country. This is also contrary to the provision in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution which provides for “freedom of speech & expression”.

Furthermore, Malaysians are now better equipped to determine the accuracy of reporting in publications, with the existence of so many media channels, such as the internet, radio and televisions (with both local and foreign publications).

Any publications which is filled with inaccurate reporting would eventually “run out of business by natural death” as no Malaysians would want to buy its publications.

As such, we hope that our soon to be Prime Minister, Dato Seri Najib Tun Razak, could, as soon as he takes office, set up a committee to review the contents of the Printing Presses & Publication Act 1984.

Thank you.

- MSTAR